Opioid overdose deaths have been rising steadily over the past decade in Rhode Island (RI), and although deaths have decreased slightly over the past year, there were 314 deaths in 2018 and there have been 208 deaths in the first 9 months of 2019.1 The objective of this spatial study is to identify the RI regions with the greatest need for opioid emergency response and rehabilitation resources. Using geographic information systems (GIS), we identify areas in RI with high overdose rates and that are far from emergency departments, and areas with high rates of treatment admissions that are far away from Centers of Excellence (COEs) which provide effective medication-assisted treatment (MAT). Ultimately, we identified Burrillville, Coventry, Bristol, and Portsmouth as towns needing more emergency resources and Western Hopkinton, Western Richmond, and Western Scituate as areas needing more high-quality rehabilitation resources. These findings should inform future decisions when considering new locations for COEs or emergency resources to respond to the Rhode Island opioid epidemic.

The transition to parenthood is occurring at increasingly older ages in recent decades (FP-18-25; FP-19-16). However, changes in birth timing vary based on sociodemographic characteristics (education, race/ethnicity, and completed family size). In this profile, we use data from the Current Population Survey June Fertility Supplement to estimate the average age at first birth among mothers at the end of their childbearing years (aged 40-44) in 1990 and 2018. We also present the 25th and 75th percentile around the median to show whether the most common age range for first births is shrinking or widening over time. Among mothers aged 40-44, the average age at first birth increased from 23 in 1990 to 26 in 2018. The overall age range also widened from six years in 1990 to nine years in 2018.

One of the profoundly disruptive effects of the coronavirus pandemic has been increased food insecurity. In Massachusetts alone, households have reported a fourfold increase in food insecurity, from 9 to 38 percent.

Over the past 200 years, the population of the United States grew more than 40-fold. The resulting development of the built environment has had a profound impact on the regional economic, demographic, and environmental structure of North America. Unfortunately, constraints on data availability limit opportunities to study long-term development patterns and how population growth relates to land-use change. Using hundreds of millions of property records, we undertake the finest-resolution analysis to date, in space and time, of urbanization patterns from 1810 to 2015. Temporally consistent metrics reveal distinct long-term urban development patterns characterizing processes such as settlement expansion and densification at fine granularity. Furthermore, we demonstrate that these settlement measures are robust proxies for population throughout the record and thus potential surrogates for estimating population changes at fine scales. These new insights and data vastly expand opportunities to study land use, population change, and urbanization over the past two centuries.

Higher incidence and poorer outcomes of acute lymphoblastic leukemia (ALL) in Hispanic Americans have been attributed to high-risk molecular markers associated with Native American (NA) ancestry. However, the diverse Hispanic populations in the United States differ substantially in ancestry. Continental Hispanics have a high proportion of NA ancestry while Caribbean Hispanics have a lower proportion of NA ancestry. Here, we analyzed mortality data of 2428 children and adults with ALL. Mortality rates were age-adjusted and compared by race and ethnicity using negative binomial regression with particular attention to distinct Hispanic populations. While both Continental (mortality rate ratio (MRR) 2.09, 95% CI 1.82–2.39) and Caribbean (MRR 1.27, 95% CI 1.05–1.54) Hispanics had higher mortality rates than other racial and ethnic groups, Continental Hispanics had significantly higher mortality rates than Caribbean Hispanics. This is the first study to demonstrate a clear difference in ALL mortality by Hispanic group on a population basis.

Not quite the Cotton Kingdom or the free labor North, the nineteenth-century border South was a land in between. Here, the era's clashing values -- slavery and freedom, city and country, industry and agriculture -- met and melded. In factories and plantations along the Ohio River, a unique regional identity emerged: one rooted in kinship, tolerance, and compromise. Border families articulated these hybrid values in both the legislative hall and the home. While many defended patriarchal households as an essential part of slaveholding culture, communities on the border pressed for increased mutuality between husbands and wives. Drawing on court records, personal correspondence, and prescriptive literature, Marriage on the Border: Love, Mutuality, and Divorce in the Upper South during the Civil War follows border southerners into their homes through blissful betrothal and turbulent divorce. Allison Dorothy Fredette examines how changing divorce laws in the border regions of Kentucky and West Virginia reveal surprisingly progressive marriages throughout the antebellum and postwar Upper South. Although many states feared that loosening marriage's gender hierarchy threatened slavery's racial hierarchy, border couples redefined traditionally permanent marriages as consensual contracts -- complete with rules and escape clauses. Men and women on the border built marriages on mutual affection, and when that affection faded, filed for divorce at unprecedented rates. Highlighting the tenuous relationship between racial and gendered rhetoric throughout the nineteenth century, Marriage on the Border offers a fresh perspective on the institution of marriage and its impact on the social fabric of the United States.

How do social group boundaries evolve? Does the appearance of a new out-group change the in-group's perceptions of other out-groups? We introduce a conceptual framework of context-dependent categorization, in which exposure to one minority leads to recategorization of other minorities when the former is perceived as more distant than the latter. We test this framework by studying how Mexican immigration to the US affected whites' attitudes and behaviors towards African Americans. We combine survey and crime data with a difference-indifferences design and an instrumental variables strategy. Consistent with the theory, Mexican immigration improves whites' attitudes towards blacks, increases support for pro-black government policies and lowers anti-black hate crimes, while simultaneously increasing prejudice against Hispanics. Immigration of groups perceived as less distant than blacks does not have similar effects. Our findings imply that changes in the size of one group can affect the entire web of inter-group relations in diverse societies.

We compare employment and wage polarization in the U.S. using different sample periods, occupations classification and the inclusion or not of agricultural occupations. We report two main findings. First, we show that employment polarization can emerge together or without wage polarization, depending on the sample period considered. Second, we show that removing agricultural occupations changes the timing of employment polarization, making it emerge earlier, and substantially increases the degree of both employment and wage polarization with respect to the case in which they are included in the sample.

We investigate whether there is excess morbidity among daughters of Indian or Chinese immigrants in the US by studying the prevalence of disability among children. We use data from the 2012–14 American Community Surveys on approximately 20,000 US-born children of Indian and Chinese immigrants. Children of US natives are used as a comparison group to account for innate differences in disability between the sexes. Results indicate that there is excess disability among daughters compared with sons among children of Chinese immigrants and children of immigrants from northern or western Indian states; this excess disability declines with younger age at arrival or longer exposure to the host country. Analysis using children of Filipino immigrants as an alternative comparison group yields similar excess disability rates for females.

For the Netherlands, a rich new data source has become available which contains indexed civil certificates for multiple generations of individuals: LINKS. The current version of the dataset contains information on 1.7 million demographic events for the province of Zeeland in the 19th and early 20th centuries and will be extended to other provinces in the Netherlands in the near future. To be able to study demographic behaviour, life courses and family relations need to be reconstructed from the civil certificates. This paper describes the steps that are taken to move from the LINKS database, which contains digitised birth, marriage, and death certificates and relational information between individuals on these certificates, to LINKS-gen, which contains over six hundred thousand life courses, family reconstructions for up to seven generations, and fertility, marital, mortality, and occupational status information, ready for analysis. We present procedures for variable construction and data cleaning. Furthermore, we give a short overview of the LINKS database, discuss quality checks, and give advice on selection of relevant cases necessary to move from LINKS to LINKS-gen. The paper is accompanied by R-scripts to convert and construct the datafiles.

This paper examines the evidence from randomized evaluations of sectorfocused training programs that target low-wage workers and combine upfront screening, occupational and soft skills training, and wraparound services. The programs generate substantial and persistent earnings gains (11 to 40 percent) following training. Theoretical mechanisms for program impacts are explored for the WorkAdvance demonstration. Earnings gains are generated by getting participants into higher-wage jobs in higherearning industries and occupations not just by raising employment. Training in transferable and certifiable skills (likely under-provided from poaching concerns) and reductions of employment barriers to high-wage sectors for non-traditional workers appear to play key roles.

We evaluate the employment effect of the green part of the largest fiscal stimulus in recent history, the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (ARRA). Each $1 million of green ARRA created 15 new jobs that emerged especially in the postARRA period (2013-2017). We find little evidence of significant short-run employment gains. Green ARRA creates more jobs in commuting zones with a greater prevalence of pre-existing green skills. Nearly half of the jobs created by green ARRA investments were in construction or waste management. Nearly all new jobs created are manual labor positions. Nonetheless, manual labor wages did not increase.

Urban school districts—where gaps in academic performance by income and race or ethnicity are often largest—are frequently the epicenter of K–12 education reform efforts and debate. Since 2002, the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) has tracked the performance of select large urban school districts using the Trial Urban District Assessment (TUDA), a subset of the National Assessment of Educational Performance (NAEP). The TUDA provides a district-level estimate of student performance in fourth- and eighth-grade reading and math. Although TUDA scores provide valuable insight into student achievement within these districts, the interpretation of these scores is complicated by differences between student populations, both across districts and over time. We look at 2017 district TUDA scores and attempt to level the playing field across districts by controlling for student characteristics. We build on work from two earlier Urban Institute publications: “Making the Grade in America’s Cities,” which looks at 2013 TUDA scores (Blagg 2016), and Breaking the Curve, which looks at 2013 NAEP state scores (Chingos 2015).

In this paper we discuss some strands of the recent literature on the evolution of gender gaps and their driving forces. We will revisit key stylized facts about gender gaps in employment and wages in a few high-income countries. We then discuss and build on one gender-neutral force behind the rise in female employment, namely the rise of the service economy. This is also related to the polarization of female employment and to the geographic distribution of jobs, which is expected to be especially relevant for female employment prospects. We finally turn to currently debated causes of remaining gender gaps and discuss existing evidence on labor market consequences of women's heavier caring responsibilities in the household. In particular, we highlight sharp gender differences in commuting behavior and discuss how women's stronger distaste for commuting time may feed into gender pay gaps.

We used data from the Medical Expenditure Panel Survey to explore potential explanations for racial/ethnic disparities in coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) hospitalizations and mortality. Black adults in every age group were more likely than White adults to have health risks associated with severe COVID-19 illness. However, Whites were older, on average, than Blacks. Thus, when all factors were considered, Whites tended to be at higher overall risk compared with Blacks, with Asians and Hispanics having much lower overall levels of risk compared with either Whites or Blacks. We explored additional explanations for COVID-19 disparities—namely, differences in job characteristics and how they interact with household composition. Blacks at high risk for severe illness were 1.6 times as likely as Whites to live in households containing health-sector workers. Among Hispanic adults at high risk for severe illness, 64.5 percent lived in households with at least one worker who was unable to work from home, versus 56.5 percent among Black adults and only 46.6 percent among White adults.

It is my pleasure to introduce the finalists for the 2019 Nevins Prize, an award given to the best dissertation in United States or Canadian economic history that was completed during the previous year. I see great opportunities for graduate students working in economic history. Perhaps the core question of our time is why some places and some people are rich while others are poor, which is closely related to why some places and people have become rich while others have remained poor. This is inherently an historical question, and our understanding of economics in general can benefit fundamentally from more historical perspective. Research in economic history will naturally help us to better understand the past, but I see the most potential for economic history research in helping us understand the world more generally. Importantly, this is not to say that we study the past primarily to understand the world today, because the world as we see it today is just one example of how things can operate. The world today gives a particular perspective on how the economy works, and we can study the past to provide other perspectives and better understand how the economy works in general. When graduate students are going on the job market, in particular, it is important that they not shy away from the historical aspects of their research. Framing research in economic history as economics research, which happens to be about the past, and emphasizing a connection to current issues, can make that research seem less relevant and less interesting than other research directly on the modern era. A less defensive and more pro-active motivation can emphasize how our understanding of some general economics question needs particular insights from the past, and it is precisely for this reason that the research draws on an historical context. This helps to frame the issue of external validity, which comes up for all applied economics research, by fundamentally organizing the research around how history can uniquely inform economics.

We analyze the disparate effects of a recent California sentencing reform on the arrest, booking, and incarceration rates experienced by California residents from different racial and ethnic groups. In November 2014, California voters passed state Proposition 47 that redefined a series of felony and “wobbler” offenses (offenses that can be charged as either a felony or misdemeanor) as straight misdemeanors, causing an immediate 15% decline in total drug arrests, an approximate 20% decline in total property crime arrests, and shifts in the composition of arrests away from felonies towards misdemeanors. Using microdata on the universe of arrests in the state in conjunction with demographic data from the American Community Survey, we document a substantial narrowing in interracial differences in overall arrest rates and arrest rates by offense type, with very large declines in the interracial arrest rate gaps for felony drug offenses. We see declines in bookings rates for all groups (conditional on being arrested), though we find a larger decrease for white arrestees. This relatively greater decline for white arrests is largely explained by differences in the distribution of arrests across recorded offenses. Despite the widening of racial gaps in the conditional booking rate, we observe substantial declines in overall booked arrests that are larger for African Americans and Hispanics relative to Whites and Asians. For some offenses (felony drug offenses), interracial disparities in jail booking rates narrow by nearly half. Finally, we use data from the American Community Survey to analyze changes in the proportion incarcerated on any given day and how these changes vary by race and ethnicity. For these results, we present trends for the time period spanning the larger set of policy reforms that have been implemented in the state since 2011. We observe sizable declines in the overall incarceration rate for African Americans, with the largest declines observed for African American males. The one quarter decline in total correctional populations in the state coincided with sizable narrowing in interracial differences in incarceration rates.

To describe preferences for income mobility/equality, we generate statistics that can be interpreted as marginal rates of substitution and converted to willingness-to-pay (WTP). All else constant, U.S. residents are willing to pay $2,736 dollars to increase income equality 10 percentiles and $1,778 dollars to increase income mobility 10 percentiles. Liberals' WTP for income equality is two times larger than conservatives'; there are no significant differences in the WTP for mobility. Educational attainment, income, ideology, and beliefs about upward mobility negatively predict a WTP for income equality; the only predictor of the WTP for mobility is gender.

Transportation agencies are increasingly seeking private sector funding, but resulting deals have implications beyond specific projects. We analyze the broader regional and equity impacts of private funding by examining Detroit’s donation-funded streetcar. Despite potential negative consequences for transit-dependent populations, the longer-term political will forged through streetcar planning has a contingent possibility to enhance regional transit. In addition to donations, the streetcar relies on public sector funds, but we found limited public influence to ensure collective transportation benefits. A federallevel actor did mandate that a regional transit agency form, but more systematic public action is needed.

Density boosts productivity and innovation, improves access to goods and services, reduces typical travel distances, encourages energy efficient construction and transport, and allows broader sharing of scarce urban amenities. However, density is also synonymous with crowding and makes living and moving in cities more costly. We explore the appropriate measurement of density and describe how it is both a cause and a consequence of the evolution of cities. We then discuss whether and how policy should target density and why, in practice, the tradeoff between its pros and cons is unhappily resolved by both market and political forces.