Introduction:We examined whether educational attainment differentially contributes to cognitive reserve (CR) across race/ethnicity. Methods: A total of 1553 non-Hispanic Whites (Whites), non-Hispanic Blacks (Blacks), and Hispanics in the Washington Heights-Inwood Columbia Aging Project (WHICAP) completed structural magnetic resonance imaging. Mixture growth curve modeling was used to examine whether the effect of brain integrity indicators (hippocampal 70 © 2020 the Alzheimer’s Association wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/alz Alzheimer’s Dement. 2021;17:70–80. AVILA ET AL. 71 volume, cortical thickness, and white matter hyperintensity [WMH] volumes) on memory and language trajectories was modified by education across racial/ethnic groups. Results: Higher educational attainment attenuated the negative impact of WMH burden on memory (β = −0.03; 99% CI: −0.071, −0.002) and language decline (β = −0.024; 99% CI:− 0.044, −0.004), as well as the impact of cortical thinning on level of language performance for Whites, but not for Blacks or Hispanics. Discussion: Educational attainment does not contribute to CR similarly across racial/ethnic groups

1. Invasive forest insects can induce tree mortality in two ways: (a) by directly harming trees; or (b) by influencing forest owners to pre-emptively harvest threatenedtrees. This study investigates forest owners’ intentions to harvest trees threatened by invasive insects.2. Our first objective is to identify and characterize agent functional types (AFTs) offamily forest owners in the northeastern United States using a set of contingentbehaviour questions contained in a mail survey. We establish AFTs as a form ofdimension reduction, effectively casting landowners into a typology in which eachtype (AFT) has distinct probabilities of tree harvesting in response to forest insects. Our analysis identifies three functional types of landowners: ‘Cutters’ (46%of respondents; high intent to harvest trees impacted by invasive forest insects),‘Responsive Cutters’ (42% of respondents; intent sensitive to insect impact severity), and ‘Non-cutters’ (12% of respondents; low intent to cut).3. Our second objective is to model AFT membership to predict the distribution ofAFTs across the landscape. Predictors are chosen from a set of survey, geographicand demographic features. Our best AFT-prediction model has three predictorvariables: parcel size (hectares of forest), geographical region, and town-level forested fraction. Application of the model provides a high-resolution probability distribution of AFTs across the landscape.4. By coupling human and insect behaviour, our results allow for holistic assessmentsof how invasive forest insects disturb forests, inclusive of the management response to these pests.

In theory, people who own real estate should have advantage finding a partner in the marriage market. Empirical analyses along this line, however, face three issues. First, it is difficult to identify any causality for whether housing facilitates marriage or expected marriage facilitates a housing purchase. Second, survey samples usually do not cover very wealthy people, and so the observations are top coding in the wealth dimension. Third, getting married is a dynamic life cycle decision, and rich life-history data are rarely available. This paper uses registry data from Taiwan to estimate the impact of males’ housing wealth on their first-marriage duration, taking into account all three issues mentioned above. We find that a 10% increase in real estate wealth increases probability of a man getting married in any particular year by 3.92%. Our finding suggests that housing or real estate is a status good in the marriage market.

Historical inequality is difficult to measure, especially at the sub-country level and beyond the top income shares. This paper presents new evidence on the level of inequality in Manhattan from 1880 to 1910 using housing rents. Rental prices and characteristics, including geocodable locations, were collected from newspapers and provide extensive geographic coverage of the island, relevant for the overwhelming majority of its population where renting predominated. This provides a measure of consumption inequality at the household level which helps to develop the picture of urban inequality for this period, when income and wealth measures are scarce. For large American cities, but particularly for New York, housing made up a large share of consumption expenditure and its consumption cannot be substituted, so this is a reliable and feasible way to identify the true trends in urban inequality across space and time.

This paper contributes to the literature of gender differences in academic attainment by putting together several sources of data going back several decades to investigate how gender stereotypes and parental time investments shape sport choices of boys and girls during high school. Using data from the 2002-2019 National Federation of State High School Association, which provides information for every state on the total number of high school participants by gender in each sport, we document that states with more gender-equal norms are also states where boys and girls tend to break stereotypes when making sport choices in high school. We also identify parental time investments as being an important cultural-transmission mechanism.

In recent decades, racial and ethnic diversity has expanded from the city into the suburbs, the rural–urban interface, and remote rural places across all regions in the United States. This study examines how these population trends shape the possibility of racial residential integration across the American rural–urban continuum and regions. Using the information theory index (H) and racial and ethnic composition thresholds, we identify integrated cities, suburbs, and rural towns and villages that are stably integrated between the 2000 and 2010 censuses. This study shows a substantial number of diverse places where people of different races and ethnicities live near each other. Further, the largest clusters of integration locate in suburbs, followed by rural places, while central cities show the lowest rates of integration. In addition, the West typically hosts larger numbers of integrated communities compared to other regions. Findings suggest that to better understand shifting patterns of American racial inequality, research must look outside the city and toward the West to investigate residential integration as a new form of twenty-first-century race relations.

Introduction Time spent eating is associated with obesity and diet-related diseases. We examined the association between time adults spent eating, immigrant status, race/ethnicity, and race/ethnicity among adults in the United States. Methods We used multivariate linear regression to analyze a cross-sectional, nationally representative sample of respondents aged 19 years or older (N = 192,486) from the 2016 American Time Use Survey. The outcome measures were time spent per day on primary eating and drinking and secondary eating. The predictors were immigrant status, race/ethnicity, and years spent living in the United States. Results Multivariate adjusted minutes per day spent on primary eating and drinking were 66.4 for noncitizens, 66.5 for naturalized citizens, and 60.1 for US-born individuals. Multivariate adjusted minutes per day spent on secondary eating were 11.1 for noncitizens, 12.2 for naturalized citizens, and 12.9 for US-born individuals. Minutes per day spent on primary eating and drinking for immigrants by length of residence in the United States was 69.7 minutes for 5 years or less of residence, 67.9 minutes for 6 to 10 years of residence, 63.6 minutes for 11 to 15 years of residence, and 63.6 minutes for more than 15 years of residence. Minutes per day spent on secondary eating for immigrants by length of residence was 5.5 minutes for 5 years or less of residence, 9.7 minutes for 6 to 10 years of residence, 8.4 minutes for 11 to 15 years of residence, and 12.6 minutes for more than 15 years of residence. Conclusion Time spent eating varied by immigrant status and length of residence in the United States.

We study the contribution of economic conditions to the success of the first avowedly nativist political party in the United States. The Know-Nothing Party gained control of a number of state governments in the 1854-1856 elections running on a staunchly anti-Catholic and anti-Irish platform. Our analysis focuses on the case of Massachusetts, which had experienced a wave of Irish Famine immigration and was at the forefront of industrialization in the United States. Voters in towns with more exposure to Irish labor market crowdout and deskilling in manufacturing were more likely to vote for Know-Nothing candidates in state elections. These two forces played a decisive role in 1855, but not the other years of the Know Nothings’ success. We find evidence of reduced wealth accumulation for native workers most exposed to labor market crowdout and deskilling, though this was tempered by occupational upgrading.

Purpose. The purpose of this study was to investigate the relationship between units completed and the post-college wage growth of skills builder students in the Ventura County Community College District (VCCCD). Academic research and higher education policy makers have traditionally focused on outcomes for students that complete a degree or certificate. The story of the skills builder, students that complete courses but leave community college without a degree or certificate, is often over-looked. Theoretical Framework. Using human capital theory as a framework, this quantitative study explored any relationship between units completed by employed skills builders at Ventura County Community College District (VCCCD) and subsequent 1-year and 3- year wage growth. Methodology. This study used a correlational research design and simple linearregression to determine if units completed predicted post-college wage growth. Secondary data was used from the VCCCD system for students enrolled between the 2008-2009 and 2018-2019 academic years (N = 19,314) and California unemployment insurance wage records. Findings and Conclusion. The study found that units completed predicted 90.1% of the expected 1-year wage growth and 91.5% of 3-year wage growth of students . . .

Objectives: This study aims to evaluate the impact of demographic change on long-term, macrolevel childcare and adult care transfers, and the associated well-being effects of informal caregiving. Method: We measure the impact of demographic change on non-monetary care exchanged between different groups by estimating matrices of time transfers by age and sex, and weighting the time flows by self-reported indicators of well-being, for activities related to childcare and adult care. The analysis employs cross-sectional data from the American Time Use Survey 2011-2013, and the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, Disability and Use of Time Module 2013 to produce the estimates of well-being associated with various forms of care. Results: We show that people have more positive feelings when caring for children than when caring for adults. Although reductions in the country-level care supply are expected to be small relative to demand, future projections indicate a 17.1% decrease in the ratio of time spent caring for children under age 15 relative to time spent caring for the rest of the population by 2050. While this change is expected to produce only a minor increase in the ratio of negative-to-positive feelings associated with caregiving, purely due to population aging, it could have nontrivial deterioration of well-being for some caregivers. Discussion: Significant reductions in absolute caregiver well-being caused by demographic changes at the population level may reduce workload, productivity, and adversely impact health, if not offset by caregiver-friendly family policies.

This paper studies the short-and long-run impact of occupational licensing on labor market outcomes in the United States. I compile new data from contemporary and historical legislative documentation that records all state-level policy changes for over 200 licensed occupations. Using this data, I implement an event study design that exploits within-occupation variation in the timing of licensing statutes across states to trace out the dynamic response of earnings and employment to policy changes. I find consistent evidence across several independent employer and household surveys that the typical licensing statute adopted during the past half-century increased worker earnings, but had null or weakly positive effects on employment. Twenty-five years after licensing statutes were adopted, cumulative wage growth in treated state-occupation cells exceeded that of untreated controls by 4 to 7%. Over the same time period, my results rule out an average disemployment effect greater than-5%. The data show much larger decreases in employment, however, among occupations that have little potential to cause serious harm. In cases where the consumer protection rationale for licensing is more plausible, I find simultaneous increases in both earnings and employment following the adoption of licensing requirements.

Después de tanto meditar y pensarlo, he decidido escribir finalmente este artículo hoy martes 19 de mayo 2020, exactamente en una tarde nublada y poco soleado desde mi residencia ubicada en Corona Condado de Queens, ciudad de Nueva York que se encuentra a 20 minutos en una carrera de taxi y en unos 30-45 minutos en el Subway (Metro), del condado de Brooklyn, punto estratégico y el nervio arterial de la gran comunidad de panameños residentes en dicho Condado.

Women used to lag behind but now exceed men in college enrollment. This paper shows that examining occupations which require only a high school degree (“non-college” occupations) can help resolve two puzzles related to this phenomenon. First, why do women attend college at greater rates than men today, when men work more and earn more than women? I document that non-college occupations for men are both more plentiful and higher paying than those for women. Next, I link the occupational inequality in the non-college labor market to the gap in college enrollment, by employing two empirical exercises to show that non-college jobs dramatically affect college-going decisions. Using employment changes in the oil and gas industry, I demonstrate that increases in men’s non-college job opportunities lead male high school graduates to forego college enrollment. Using the automation of the office, I demonstrate that declines in the non-college employment opportunities of women lead female college enrollment to grow over time. Thus, women’s lower non-college job prospects contribute to their higher college enrollment. This leads to the second puzzle: why did women initially attend college at lower rates than men, when women have always had worse non-college job prospects than men? I develop a theoretical model to demonstrate that both the importance and availability of non-college occupations for women contributed to women’s initially low enrollment, as well as to the growth in female enrollment over time, such that women eventually overtook men in college-going.

Can monetary policy shocks induce redistribution across natural resource rich and poor states within a federation? We conjecture that resource-rich states are capital intensive, hence their investment is more responsive to changes in monetary policy. Consequently, contractionary monetary policy shocks (e.g., increases in the interest rate) may induce redistribution from resource-poor states to resource-rich ones, via an equalizing federal transfer scheme, because investment is reduced more strongly in the latter. We test these hypotheses using a panel of U.S. states covering several decades, and find that: (1) resource-rich states are significantly and persistently more capital intensive; (2) contractionary monetary policy shocks induce a relative drop (increase) in investment (federal transfers) in resource-rich states, over the course of four years; (3) these patterns are driven by resource-induced differences in the capital share in the economy. We estimate that a one standard deviation contractionary monetary shock induces, within the first year, federal redistribution of approximately $2.5 billion from the resource-poor to the resource-rich states, representing about 11% of the total average annual federal transfers received by the latter states.

Introduction: Nearly all cervical cancer cases are caused by one of several high-risk strains of the human papillomavirus (hr-HPV). Transmasculine (TM) individuals (persons who have a masculine spectrum gender identity, but were recorded female at birth) have low adherence to standard cervical cancer screening modalities. Introduction of self-collected vaginal swabs for hr-HPV DNA testing may promote initiation and adherence to cervical cancer screening among TM individuals to narrow screening disparities. The purpose of this study was to assess the rate of cervical cancer screening among TM individuals following the introduction of self-collected swabbing for hr-HPV DNA testing in comparison to clinician-administered cervical specimen collection. Methods: Rates of uptake and adherence to cervical cancer screening among TM individuals were assessed before and after the clinical introduction of self-collected swab testing in October 2017. Rates were compared with the rates of cervical cancer screening among cisgender women at a colocated Comprehensive Health Program during the time period of review. Results: Of the 121 TM patients seen for primary care in the 6-month baseline period before the October 2017 introduction of self-collected swabbing for hr-HPV DNA testing, 30 (25%) had cervical cancer screening documented in the electronic medical record. Following the implementation of self-swabbing, of 193 patients, 98 (51%) had a documented cervical cancer screening, a two-fold increase in the rates of adherence to cervical cancer screening (p<0.001). Conclusion: Self-collected swab testing for hr-HPV can increase rates of adherence to screening recommendations among an otherwise under-screened population.

This paper analyzes the effect of the amnesty given under IRCA of 1986 on the educational attainment of Hispanic undocumented immigrants. Data was collected from the IPUMS USA database and consists of cross-sectional microdata from seven U.S. censuses. The thesis exploits the cut-off year of 1982 for being granted amnesty in a difference-in-difference strategy. The results suggest that IRCA affected the likelihood of having at least one year of education at the tertiary level by 8.1 percentage points. The effect on the likelihood of having at least four years of tertiary education is estimated to have been 4.4 percentage points.

How does the nature of work—teleworkability and contact intensity—shape the distribution of health, earnings, and unemployment risks, created by the COVID-19 pandemic? To answer this question, I consider two contexts. First, I show that the existing patterns of spousal occupational sorting in the United States matter for the distribution of these risks. In particular, I show that sorting into occupations with similar contact intensity in the workplace mitigates the risk of intra-household contagion relative to the situation where spouses match at random in terms of occupations (zero sorting). Furthermore, I show that sorting into occupations with similar teleworkability exacerbates the exposure to earnings and unemployment risks relative to the case of zero sorting. Second, I document that teleworkable occupations more likely require higher education and experience levels as well as greater cognitive, social, character, and computer skills, compared to non-teleworkable occupations. This difference in skill requirements affects earnings and unemployment risks by increasing the likelihood of skill mismatch for the newly unemployed. My results imply that the current economic downturn may have long-run effects on employment prospects and earnings of workers who had non-teleworkable or high-contact-intensity jobs at the onset of the COVID-19 outbreak. I discuss the relevant policy implications and associated policy constraints that follow from my findings.

Intermarriage is an important indicator of immigrant integration trajectories and the rigidity of ethnoracial boundaries. Although questions of Middle Eastern and North African (MENA) integration and social exclusion occupy a central place in public discourse, little is known about their marriage patterns. The authors use the 2017 American Community Survey to estimate patterns of coethnic, panethnic, and intergroup marriages for MENA populations. Compared with other immigrant groups, rates of intermarriage are relatively high, and there is little evidence of “panethnic” patterns of marriage. However, more recent marriages have become less exogamous. Hierarchical age-period-cohort models suggest that this is driven by changing patterns among more recent cohorts, with some evidence of a post-2001 period effect among men. Compositional changes in the country of origin account for some, but not all, of these cohort effects. The findings highlight the importance of further research on MENA Americans to understand their unique social experiences of the U.S. ethnoracial hierarchy, particularly in the context of increasing racialized anti-Arab and anti-Muslim discrimination after 2001.

The Racial and Identity Profiling Act (RIPA) of 2015 was enacted in order to better identify and mitigate race-based and identity-based bias in policing. The law requires California police departments to record data on stops made by police officers, including fields such as perceived identity and demographics, reasoning for stops and searches, and the outcome of each encounter. RIPA does not explicitly distinguish between vehicle or pedestrian stops. In December of 2019, the Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD) RIPA Board (the Board) requested that Dr. Emily Owens of the California Policy Lab (CPL) conduct an analysis of the RIPA data and provide a report to the Board, in order to better understand any patterns that the data revealed. The following report provides a place-based analysis of all stops made by the LAPD from July 2018 – October 2019.

Job losses and likely layoffs related to the COVID-19 pandemic will put many New England residents at risk of not being able to pay their mortgage or rent and needing financial assistance and state-government safeguards to remain in their homes. Economic interventions from Congress, primarily through the federal CARES Act, include direct payments to households and increased unemployment insurance benefits that are expected to provide vital support to many of these households for the next three to four months. Even with these efforts, 2 to 3 percent of New England homeowners and 9 to 13 percent of New England renters may be unable to make their housing payments. Many states have temporarily halted evictions, foreclosures, or both to protect people from losing their homes, at least in the short term. However, once the economy begins to recover, these households will remain responsible for their unpaid rents and mortgages. This report’s findings represent the immediate, three- to four-month impact that the coronavirus outbreak and resulting legislation are likely having on New England households. The ultimate economic consequences of the pandemic, along with the adequacy of economic-policy responses, will be determined largely by how long it takes to stop the spread of the virus.