The Great Recession was the worst economic downturn in the U.S. since the Great Depression of the 1930s. This research focusses on children in five income-quintile groups before, during, and following the Great Recession by analyzing changing disparities across these groups using a new Index of Parental Employment Insecurity, nine additional well-being indicators, and the overall Child Well-Being Index. The new Index of Parental Employment Insecurity captures employment insecurity more fully than the official U.S. monthly unemployment rate by using a comprehensive approach spanning 15-month periods (combining January-to-December measures for a calendar year with measures for March of the following year), based not only on two traditional unemployment indicators, but also two indicators of “hidden unemployment” and two indicators of “underemployment”. The other nine well-being indicators, also with children or youth as the unit of analysis, are median family income, health insurance coverage, Prekindergarten enrollment, three health indicators – very good or excellent health, obesity, and activity limitations – two indicators reflecting family experience – one-parent families and residential mobility – and idle or disconnected youth. For each of the 10 indicators in 1994, children in the lowest-income, lower-middle-income, and middle-income families had lower levels of well-being, often much lower, than children in the highest-income families. These had gaps narrowed, as of 2014, for all three of the lowest-income groups by about two-thirds for health insurance coverage and by about two-fifths for Prekindergarten enrollment. Compared to the highest-income group, however, the gaps had widened for the middle-income group for most indicators, the direction of changes in gaps was mixed for the lower-middle-income group, and the gaps had narrowed, usually by about one-fourth, for the lowest-income group, leaving gaps for the lowest-income group for seven of the ten indicators in 2014 that were at least three-fourths as large as they had been in 1994. In addition, median family income for the highest-income group grew by $32,500 reaching $173,600 in 2014, and the corresponding disparities expanded for the middle-income, lower-middle-income, and lowest-income groups, respectively, to $113,300, $139,400, and $160,800.

Objective: The objective if this study was to directly assess the contamination and fragmentation of parents' leisure quality with direct measures of experienced well-being. Background: Parents report less leisure than those without children, and the nature of their leisure differs in ways that are assumed to reflect lower quality—contaminated by the presence of children or fragmented by care work or other demands. Previous research on this question has not been able to assess leisure quality directly. Method: Using the 2010, 2012, and 2013 American Time Use Survey's Well-Being Module (N = 5,433 parents; N = 7,066 activities) and random intercept models to account for multilevel data, the authors investigated mothers' and fathers' reports of well-being across multiple dimensions in leisure activities and directly assessed their experiences in leisure activities (a) with children present or (b) interrupted by care work or other demands. Results: Contrary to expectations from prior work, there was no evidence that leisure was of lower quality with children, and leisure interruptions had little bearing on parents' well-being. Well-being was especially high in “family time” with both children and other adults. Conclusion: Leisure time with children, considered of lower quality in prior accounts, was not experienced more negatively by parents. These findings suggest a reconsideration of how we think about and measure the quality of leisure time.

In rural, suburban, and urban counties throughout North Carolina, serious housing challenges undermine economic success and resident well-being. The urgency of these issues both preceded and is exacerbated by the economic and health risks caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. No county has enough affordable housing to meet the needs of its residents with the lowest incomes, leading to strained household budgets and elevated rental market risks. Building on pre-2020 population projections from the state demographer, we project a net growth of approximately 866,000 households statewide, with substantial growth in urban counties and more populous suburban counties; moderate growth in higher-cost rural counties, rural recreation economies, and less-populous suburban counties; and more modest growth in the more affordable rural counties. Unless stakeholders across the state work together toward a healthier housing market, current gaps in the low-cost housing supply, added household demand, and increased arrears related to the pandemic will combine to exacerbate affordability challenges for households while undermining the viability of the rental and homeownership markets.

Objective: This study examines the association between psychological distress and Alzheimer’s disease mortality among US adults aged ≥45. Methods: We analyzed the Kessler 6-item psychological distress scale as a risk factor for Alzheimer’s mortality using the pooled 1997–2014 National Health Interview Survey (NHIS)- National Death Index (NDI) database (N = 265,089). Cox regression was used to model mortality as a function of psychological distress and sociodemographic and behavioral covariates. Results: The Alzheimer’s mortality risk was 97% higher (HR = 1.97; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.37, 2.84) in adults with serious psychological distress compared with those without psychological distress, controlling for sociodemographic covariates. The relative mortality risk remained statistically significant (HR = 1.49; 95% CI = 1.04, 2.13) after additional adjustment for smoking, alcohol consumption, health status, activity limitation, and body mass index. Discussion: US adults had significantly higher risks of Alzheimer’s disease mortality at higher psychological distress levels. These findings underscore the significance of addressing psychological well-being as a strategy for reducing Alzheimer’s disease mortality.

In the U.S., women are entering motherhood at older ages, with the age at first birth rising from a mean of 21.4 in 1970 to 26.8 in 2017 (FP-18-25). Women who have first births at younger ages differ on a range of characteristics compared to women who become mothers at later ages, and maternal age is linked to children’s well-being (Gibson-Davis & Rackin, 2014; Brown, Stykes, & Manning, 2016; Rackin & Gibson-Davis, 2018). This profile uses the Current Population Survey’s 2018 June Fertility Supplement to identify mothers who had a first birth between 2015 and 2018. Education level, race/ethnicity, and union status of mothers are compared across three groups classified by age at first birth: younger mothers (less than 24 years old), mid-range age mothers (24 to 29 years old), and older mothers (30 years or older). Additional profiles using the June Fertility Supplement analyze trends in completed family size among women aged 40-44 by education and race/ethnicity (FP-20-04) and by union status (FP-20-03).

What is financial health? It is the ability to control your short-term finances and make choices to enjoy your life, such as supporting a family member or going back to school. A financially healthy individual can also absorb financial setbacks and meet their financial goals (Consumer Financial Protection Bureau [CFPB], 2015). Financial stability, however, comes first: in the short term, this means having money left over at the end of the month, manageable debt, a small pot of savings, and a trusted network to help bridge financial gaps (Siwicki, 2019). For many low- and moderate- income Detroiters, the necessary ingredients for financial health and financial stability are out of reach. Indeed, just over half of Detroit residents are either financially insecure (32%) or in financial trouble (24%) (DMACS, 2019). Due to low and volatile incomes and disproportionately high costs, tens of thousands of Detroit households cannot maintain consistently positive cash flow, which makes it challenging to build . . .

Past research consistently suggests that singles are stigmatized, but do they constitute a stigmatized group? The current research provides deeper insight into the stigmatization of single people by understanding their ‘group-y’ nature, and how group identification and perception map onto discrimination and prejudice. Study 1 examined the extent to which singles identify as part of a group. Participants were assigned a novel minimal group identity and then completed measures of group identification for four group memberships (e.g., minimal group, relationship status, sexual orientation, nationality). As hypothesized, singles' identification with other singles was lower compared to their identification with other identities—as well as compared to partnered people's group identification. Contrary to our hypothesis, singles did not perceive less discrimination towards singles relative to other aspects of their identity. Study 2 examined the extent to which singles are perceived as a group and the extent to which their group-y-ness vs. perceived responsibility for their group membership explains the acceptability of prejudice towards them. Participants completed measures of entitativity and perceived responsibility for similar out-group identities as in Study 1 (e.g., single people vs. people in romantic relationships). As hypothesized, singles were rated lower in entitativity than people in romantic relationships and other groups. Prejudice towards singles was also more acceptable than prejudice towards national and sexual orientation groups. Accordingly, perceived responsibility was a stronger predictor of the acceptability of prejudice towards singles than their entitativity. We discuss the importance of group-based theoretical perspectives for understanding the current and future stigmatization and well-being of singles.

Green space has been associated with better health and well-being. However, most studies have been cross-sectional with limited long-term exposure data. Further, research is limited in what type of green space is beneficial for health. We conducted a longitudinal study to assess sensitive periods (birth, childhood or adulthood) of exposure to different types of green space in association with adult blood pressure and body mass index (BMI). Using longitudinal data from the New England Family Study (1960–2000) and multilevel regression analysis, we examined associations between time-varying markers of residential exposure to green space, and adult BMI, systolic (SBP) and diastolic blood pressure (DBP) (N = 517). We created three exposure metrics: distance, average area, and green space count in the neighborhood throughout the life-course. In adjusted models, living one mile farther away from a green space at birth was associated with a 5.6 mmHg higher adult SBP (95%CI: 0.7, 10.5), and 3.5 mmHg higher DBP (95%CI: 0.3, 6.8). One more green space in the neighborhood at birth was also associated with lower DBP (−0.2 mmHg, 95%CI: −0.4, −0.02) in adulthood. Finally, average area of green space was not associated with SBP, DBP nor BMI. Analysis by type of green space suggested that parks may be more relevant than playgrounds, cemeteries or golf courses. Our study suggests that the perinatal period may be a critical time-period where living closer to green spaces may lower hypertension risk in adulthood, but not obesity.

We show that health and productivity around retirement age, and earnings over the life cycle, vary with exposure to economic conditions in early life. Using state-year-level variation from the most severe and prolonged economic downturn in American history-the Great Depression-combined with restricted micro-data from the Health and Retirement Study, we find that changes in macroeconomic indicators before age 6 are associated with changes in economic well-being, earnings, metabolic syndrome, and physical limitations decades later. We also document large declines in long-term mortality. Results are not driven by endogenous fertility responses throughout the 1930s. Our results help inform the design of retirement and healthcare systems and the long-term costs of business cycles.

Over 1.5 million new jobs need to be filled by 2026 for medical assistants, nursing aides, and home care aides, many of which will work in the long-term services and supports (LTSS) sector. Using 16 years of data from the American Time Use Survey, we examined the financial vulnerability of high-skill and low-skill LTSS workers in comparison with other health care workers, while providing insight into their well-being by measuring time spent on work and nonwork activities. We found that, regardless of skill status, working in LTSS was associated with lower wages and an increased likelihood of experiencing poverty compared with other health care workers. Results from time diary data indicated that the LTSS workforce spent a greater share of their time working and commuting to work. Low-skill LTSS workers were hardest hit, spending more time on paid and unpaid activities, such as household and child care responsibilities.

Objectives: This study aims to evaluate the impact of demographic change on long-term, macrolevel childcare and adult care transfers, and the associated well-being effects of informal caregiving. Method: We measure the impact of demographic change on non-monetary care exchanged between different groups by estimating matrices of time transfers by age and sex, and weighting the time flows by self-reported indicators of well-being, for activities related to childcare and adult care. The analysis employs cross-sectional data from the American Time Use Survey 2011-2013, and the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, Disability and Use of Time Module 2013 to produce the estimates of well-being associated with various forms of care. Results: We show that people have more positive feelings when caring for children than when caring for adults. Although reductions in the country-level care supply are expected to be small relative to demand, future projections indicate a 17.1% decrease in the ratio of time spent caring for children under age 15 relative to time spent caring for the rest of the population by 2050. While this change is expected to produce only a minor increase in the ratio of negative-to-positive feelings associated with caregiving, purely due to population aging, it could have nontrivial deterioration of well-being for some caregivers. Discussion: Significant reductions in absolute caregiver well-being caused by demographic changes at the population level may reduce workload, productivity, and adversely impact health, if not offset by caregiver-friendly family policies.

In New Hampshire, 18 percent of all undergraduates, or 17,655 students, are parents and 8,123 college students are single mothers. 1 Ensuring that these single mothers complete their degrees will improve their families' well-being and economic security and bring important benefits to the New Hampshire economy. College graduates have higher earnings, higher rates of employment, and lower poverty rates than those without degrees. 2 Their children also reap important benefits, such as improved behavioral and academic outcomes and an increased likelihood of going to college themselves. 3 Despite the substantial benefits experienced by single mothers who earn college degrees, they are some of the least likely students to earn them: just eight percent of single mother undergraduates in the United States earn an associate or bachelor's degree within six years of enrolling in college, compared with nearly half (49 percent) of women in college who are not mothers. 4 Taking steps to improve single mothers' college success also has important implications for racial and ethnic equity in higher education. Among female college students nationally, 31 percent of Black women, 23 percent of Native American/Alaska Native women, 17 percent of women of two or more races, and 16 percent of Latina women are single mothers, compared with 13 percent of White and seven percent of Asian/Pacific Islander women. 5 Single mothers in New Hampshire who graduate with an A.A.: • Are 47 percent less likely to live in poverty than a high school graduate. • Earn $284,340 more over their lifetime than what they would have earned with only a high school education. • Save New Hampshire $26,854 in public assistance spending over their lifetime. • Contribute $70,630 more in lifetime taxes than a single mother with only a high school diploma.

In South Dakota, 23 percent of all undergraduates, or 11,017 students, are parents and 4,475 college students are single mothers. 1 Ensuring that these single mothers complete their degrees will improve their families' well-being and economic security and bring important benefits to the South Dakota economy. College graduates have higher earnings, higher rates of employment, and lower poverty rates than those without degrees. 2 Their children also reap important benefits, such as improved behavioral and academic outcomes and an increased likelihood of going to college themselves. 3 Despite the substantial benefits experienced by single mothers who earn college degrees, they are some of the least likely students to earn them: just eight percent of single mother undergraduates in the United States earn an associate or bachelor's degree within six years of enrolling in college, compared with nearly half (49 percent) of women in college who are not mothers. 4 Taking steps to improve single mothers' college success also has important implications for racial and ethnic equity in higher education. Among female college students nationally, 31 percent of Black women, 23 percent of Native American/Alaska Native women, 17 percent of women of two or more races, and 16 percent of Latina women are single mothers, compared with 13 percent of White and seven percent of Asian/Pacific Islander women. 5 Single mothers in South Dakota who graduate with an A.A.: • Are 47 percent less likely to live in poverty than a high school graduate. • Earn $294,389 more over their lifetime than what they would have earned with only a high school education. • Save South Dakota $21,857 in public assistance spending over their lifetime. • Contribute $65,978 more in lifetime taxes than a single mother with only a high school diploma.

Population aging in the United States (U.S.) has reached an inflection point. The population who are aged 65 and above increased by 19.7 percent between 2010 and 2016, compared with a 4.8 percent increase among the total population. There is a lack of research about how population aging impacts local housing markets at the county level in the United States. My thesis aims to address this research gap. I use fixed effects models to study the causal relationship between the increasing size of the elderly population and housing prices from 1990 to 2010. The results suggest that population aging has no effect on housing prices in general nor any effect on the price of smaller homes (those with two bedrooms or less). However, there is modest evidence that the increase of the elderly population may contribute significant declines in the price of larger houses (with three bedrooms or more). The findings potentially have important implications for urban planning and housing policy. Identifying the need of housing units inhabited by the elderly population helps planners facilitate the appropriate allocation of permitted newly built housing units (for example, smaller homes for the elderly). It will benefit the well-being of the elderly as population aging becomes an imperative issue.

The rise in dual-earning couples in the United States has generated competing interpretations about the impact on couples’ relationship experiences. We know that dual-earner couples spend slightly less time together and that time with a partner is associated with enhanced well-being. Research also shows that men and women have different interpretations of their relationships. What is unclear is whether well-being benefits of shared time are similar across couples with different work arrangements and by gender. Using data from the American Time Use Surveys (2010, 2012, 2013), we compare individual assessments of happiness, meaning, stress, fatigue, and sadness during activities conducted with their partner and how these experiences vary by key demographic factors: couple-level work arrangements and gender. We go beyond prior work on time availability and relationship satisfaction to document how couple-level work arrangements and interactions with gender contribute to subjective experiences of time spent with a partner.

IPUMS-MLP will consist of nine censuses covering the entire U.S. population enumerated between 1850 and 1940 linked with public historical administrative data from Social Security, the military, and vital registration. The linked database will be invaluable for analyzing the impact of early life conditions on health and well-being in later life, and the large scale of the resource will allow study of very small population subgroups. IPUMS-MLP is not designed to answer any particular scientific question. Rather, we plan general-purpose data infrastructure, a permanent resource that can be continuously expanded to incorporate the latest data sources as they become available, ensuring its usage for decades to come. Former Census Bureau Director Robert Groves drew an insightful distinction between “designed data” and “organic data” [1]. Designed data, such as censuses and surveys, are created entirely to obtain information. Organic data are byproducts of transactions, including administrative records generated by Social Security, Medicare, the Internal Revenue Service, and the Armed Forces. Research on population aging currently relies primarily on designed data, despite the enormous potential of organic data to enrich our analyses. Groves argued that “the biggest payoff will lie in new combinations of designed data and organic data, not in one type alone.” Used in isolation, organic data have profound limitations that reduce their usefulness. They tend to be voluminous but shallow; they often are unrepresentative of the general population; and they frequently omit basic information about demographic behavior, economic status, education, work, and living conditions. IPUMS-MLP will enrich large sources of organic data—including Social Security, Medicare, and military records—by linking them to a century of designed census and survey data, thereby overcoming limitations of the organic data sources. Linking individuals from childhood to old age and death through both designed and organic data allows study of aging as a process over the entire life course, not just over a few years. Indeed, IPUMS-MLP will enable investigators to extend longitudinal analysis beyond individual life histories to investigate and understand processes of change over multiple generations [2]. In his 2010 presidential address to the Population Association of America, Robert Mare [3] argued that “the study of intergenerational mobility and most population research are governed by a two generation (parent-to offspring) view of intergenerational influence, to the neglect of the effects of grandparents and other ancestors and nonresident contemporary kin.” Mare called for the development of sources and methods that will support analysis of change over multiple generations. IPUMS-MLP will meet this need, allowing investigators to trace records back across multiple generations and making it possible for the first time to study the transmission of characteristics and behavior across centuries.

Previous research to understand socioeconomic well-being of immigrants finds the type of living arrangement is significantly correlated with household-level earnings. Present study employing 2009-2011 American Community Survey data explores the above relationship for the six major foreign-born Asian groups and native-born non-Hispanic Whites. The results indicate relative to Whites, household extension is more beneficial for Asian households. Furthermore, householders’ labor market advantages as measured by their human capital and English language proficiency are positively associated with nuclear living arrangement. However, diminishing gains in household earnings for the not so recent foreign-born immigrants living in vertically extended households displays a cultural inclination for collective living. Also, there are significant intergroup differences. While Japanese households appear to “rely” the least on household extension to enhance household earnings, the advantage of residing in extended households for the Filipinos and Koreans and especially so for the recent entrants is substantial.

The geography of immigrant settlement has shifted dramatically over the last 30 years, with immigrants increasingly migrating to a number of “new destinations”. Latino immigrants are the largest immigrant group in the United States and their economic outcomes in these new dLake, F. M. L. (2019). A Multi-Measure Approach: Latino Immigrant Economic Well-Being by Destination Type. University of California, Los Angeles, California. Retrieved from https://escholarship.org/content/qt7cs626wc/qt7cs626wc.pdfestinations have been a topic of particular scholarly concern. Past studies at the Metropolitan Statistical Area (MSA) level have largely focused on measures of poverty and employment to find that Latino immigrants generally fare worse in new destinations relative to “traditional destinations” like Los Angeles, New York, and Miami. Unexplored in the current literature is whether the use of different outcome variables like homeownership, rent-burden, and nominal income would yield a different story of the economic well-being of Latino immigrants in new destinations. In this study, I explore Latino immigrant economic well-being across five dimensions. While my results support previous findings regarding poverty, I find that Latino immigrants have better employment outcomes, higher nominal income, less rent-burden, and higher rates of homeownership. The results point to the need to consider a variety of outcomes in assessing Latino immigrant economic well-being.

Tomorrow’s jobs demand a highly trained workforce. Job seekers across North Carolina are entering a dynamic economy that requires new sets of technical skills and the ability to navigate increasing uncertainty. Once powered by industries like farming and manufacturing, North Carolina’s economy continues to shift toward a knowledge- and service-based economy comprised of higher-skilled jobs. Existing lower-skilled, lower-wage jobs are at increasing risk of being replaced by a machine or a computer algorithm. A highly trained workforce is a key driver of economic growth. Employers are drawn to regions where they can easily hire and retain skilled employees, and communities benefit substantially when new industries move to town or existing companies grow. More-educated workers are less likely to be unemployed and more likely to earn higher family-supporting wages.1 In addition, increased educational attainment is a powerful predictor of adult well-being, including better physical and mental health outcomes, more stable relationships, and greater civic knowledge and engagement. Adults’ educational attainment is also a key predictor of their children’s own level of education and wages.2 These trends are having a profound impact on the value we place on postsecondary schooling. The fastest-growing sectors of North Carolina’s economy demand employees with increasingly higher levels of educational attainment. By 2020, an estimated 67% of all jobs in North Carolina will require some education and training beyond high school.3 Today, 47% of North Carolina’s 5.3 million working-age adults (25-64 years old) have a postsecondary degree or nondegree credential.4 To meet the projected demands for an educated workforce, at least 60% of NC workers will need a postsecondary degree or nondegree credential by 2030. To reach 60% attainment today, an additional 672,000 NC adults would need to obtain a postsecondary degree or nondegree credential...

Income and wealth inequality in the United States, especially across racial and ethnic groups, is dramatic and persistent. While income is often used by researchers, practitioners, advocates, and policymakers to describe local economic conditions and drive policy decisions, it also increasingly is recognized as an inadequate indicator of economic well-being, mobility, and security. Wealth is generally less volatile than income, and it provides a store of resources that gives families security during emergencies and allows them to secure advantages that foster the well-being of the next generation. The findings in this report from the National Asset Scorecard for Communities of Color (NASCC) survey reveal major disparities in wealth accumulation and income across various racial and ethnic groups in metropolitan Miami. The NASCC survey was developed to fill a void in existing national data sets that rarely collect data disaggregated by specific national origin in a localized context. The NASCC survey collects detailed data on assets and debts among subpopulations, according to race, ethnicity, and country of origin. The NASCC instrument measures the range and extent of asset and debt holdings, not just by broadly defined groups (e.g. whites, blacks, Latinxs and Asians), but by racial and ethnic groups partitioned by more refined categories of ancestral origin (e.g. whites, U.S. descendant blacks, Caribbean blacks, Cubans, Puerto Ricans, South Americans, and other Latinxs). This type of disaggregation allows for a more specific examination of variations in asset holdings both across and within broadly defined racial and . . .