The San Antonio-Bexar County Metropolitan Planning Organization (SA-BCMPO) undertook the San Antonio-Bexar County Transportation and Housing Study to provide a comprehensive analysis of housing and transportation costs for the San Antonio area. Throughout the United States, the average household spent 19.3 percent of its 2001 income on transportation. That is up from 17.5 percent in 1992, a 10.3 percent increase over the last decade. Transportation costs have soared even higher for low-income families, at 41.2 percent in 2001, up from 30.3 percent in 1992, an increase of 25 percent over the decade. The variances across the nation can be attributed, in part, to urban sprawl. In 2004, the San Antonio Metropolitan Statistical Areas average household expenditure for transportation was $5,907 or 10.2 percent of the average annual household income, which ranks below the national average household expenditure for transportation of $8,117 or 14.8 percent of the average annual household income. Though the Surface Transportation Policy Project included various cities throughout the United States, including Dallas and Houston, data was not provided for the San Antonio area. As a result, the San Antonio-Bexar County Metropolitan Planning Organization (SA-BCMPO) contracted with Carter & Burgess to develop the San Antonio-Bexar County Transportation and Housing Study. This project provides a comprehensive study of household and transportation costs for the San Antonio area, to better understand the transportation challenges faced by residents in the region, especially those residing or contemplating residing in less urban areas. The study area includes all of San Antonios Metropolitan Statistical Area (MSA), which encompasses eight counties of the 12-county Alamo Area planning region, including Bexar, Atascosa, Bandera, Comal, Guadalupe, Kendall, Medina, and Wilson counties. For the purpose of this study, the 8-county MSA was divided into 46 Regional Analysis Zones (RAZs). The RAZs were delineated to be as socio-economically homogeneous as possible, especially regarding income levels. Figure ES-1 illustrates the counties and regional analysis zones included in the study area. The Alamo Area Council of Governments (AACOG) is the regional planning agency for the 12-county area. VIA Metropolitan Transit is the major public transportation provider in the San Antonio area. Rural transit providers also provide public transportation for other portions of the study area. Data Sources:Three major databases were used for deriving the 2000 base information about housing and transportation costs by Regional Analysis Zone. These databases are: 2000 Census of Population and Housing, Summary File 3 (SF3); 2000 Census Public Use Microdata Sample (PUMS); and Bureau of Labor Statistics 2000 Consumer Expenditure Public Use Microdata Sample (CE-PUMS). A fourth database was used for estimating 2004 housing and transportation costs. A proprietary database of demographic and socio-economic data from Claritas, Inc., was utilized to aggregate selected variables to the RAZ level for 2004. Population, household counts and income were derived from the 2000 Census SF3 file at the Census Tract level.

In American society, living apart from parents is widely regarded as a marker of adulthood. Focusing on the nations two largest metropolitan areas, this paper examines the age-specific likelihood that young people will reside with parents or live apart. IPUMS data from Census 2000 show that there are not only marked racial-ethnic differences, but also differences between the two cities. Young people living in the New York CMSA are much more likely to share a home with parents than their counterparts in the Los Angeles CMSA. The CMSA differences are particularly remarkable for whites in their early 20s. Further analysis confirms that residential arrangements are related to other adult social roles and personal resources. Controlling for roles and resources, however, has little effect on either place or race effects on parental co-residence. Racial-ethnic differences in parental co-residence are affected by immigrant generation status, however. Compared to their native-born counterparts, the first generation is less likely to live with parents while the 1.5 generation is more likely.

Population History of the United States is the first full-scale one volume survey of the demographic history of this country. It starts with the arrival of humans in the Western Hemisphere and ends with the current century. The basic trends in the growth of the national population are analyzed over centuries, including the changing nature of births, deaths, and migration of this population and the various factors which influenced these basic trends. The origin and distribution of pre-European American Indians is outlined, and the free and servile nature of European and African immigration is explained. Regional patterns of marriage and fertility and disease and morality in the pre-1800 European and African population are examined and compared with contemporary European developments. The decline of fertility and the rising rates of mortality are surveyed in the 19th century along with the mobility of population across the continent and into the cities. The decline of disease and mortality in the 20th century is explained and the late 20th century changes in family structure and fertility detailed. The rise of suburbs and the creation of inner city ghettos form a vital part of recent trends as do the return of new waves of foreign immigrants in the face of declining native births. Herbert S. Klein is Gouverneur Morris Professor of History at Columbia University and Research Fellow at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University and has recently written A Concise History of Bolivia (Cambridge, 2002) and co-authored Slave and Economy in Sao Paolo, Brazil, 1750-1850 (Stanford, 2002). He is also the author of The Atlantic Slave Trade (Cambridge, 1999) and Haciendas and Ayllus: Rural Society in the Bolivian Andes (Stanford, 1992).

The aging of the Baby Boom and the volatility of the stock market are well-documented processes that will have significant impacts on the United States economy and the ways we prepare for retirement. At the national scale, we can expect the rate at which individuals draw on Social Security to increase more quickly than the size of the labor force, yet the ways in which this migration serves to redistribute Social Security income across space remain unstudied. This paper highlights regions that are becoming increasingly attractive to Social Security in-migration. Overall, there is a consistent Rustbelt to Sunbelt shift in Social Security income due to migration, and these shifts are mostly consistent for both metropolitan and nonmetropolitan portions of these regions. Starting in the late 1980s, however, nonmetropolitan portions of the Rustbelt were also enjoying net gains in Social Security income through the in-migration of younger retirees. Therefore, it appears that migration systems that during the 1970s drew income away from the nonmetropolitan north are shifting to some degree. Indeed, decomposing the income flows into traditional shift-share components illustrates the consistent positive income competitive shifts enjoyed by nonmetropolitan territory in all regions. The analysis further indicates retirement migration creates greater levels of economic disparity across space. The vast majority of both nonmetropolitan and metropolitan regions are losing retirees with the highest levels of Social Security income, and these migrants are concentrating in relatively few destinations. While these destinations are likely to enjoy significant economic benefits as new sources of income tied to migration arrive in their communities, the places of origin are left with less-well-off elderly populations posing significant social and economic problems in these sending regions.

In 1954 the Supreme Court of the United States ruled that separate schools for black and white children were "inherently unequal." This paper studies whether the desegregation plans of the next 30 years in fact benefited the black students for whom the plans were designed. Analysis of data from the 1970 and 1980 censuses suggests that desegregation plans of the 1970's reduced the high school dropout rates of blacks by one to three percentage points during this decade. Desegregation plans can account for about half of the decline in dropout rates of blacks between 1970 and 1980. A similar analysis suggests that desegregation plans had no effect on the dropout rates of whites. The results are robust to controls for time-varying region and family income effects, as well as to tests for selective migration, though mean reversion may account for some portion of the larger estimated effects. Further investigation of conditions in segregated schools in 1970 suggests that peer effects explain at least some of the decline in the dropout rates of blacks due to desegregation plans.

The first objective of this research is to describe household change in the United States over the twentieth century. The next is to determine how much of that change is due to the changing demographic composition of the population, determi ning demographic composition as the structure of the population by age, sex, marital and parity status. The final objective is to determine how much of the demographic composition effect is due to each of the three vital rate components of fertility, mortality, and nuptiality. Achieving these objectives allows us to understand household change in the past, unite disparate threads of research on households, and re new tools for the projection of future household change. I describe household change in the United States using decennial census samples from 1900 to 2000, combined with a new household classification system. The results con rm the long-term trend of household atomization, with the distribution of people across household types shifting away from complex structures involving extended kin and non-relatives, and toward living alone, with only a spouse, or children. In addition, longer average lifespans have brought with them a new household stage during which spouses live together after the children leave the parental home. Less noted in existing literature are the continuities in American households over the century. The proportion of people who share a household with relatives only has remained fairly stable, as has the presence of spouses (for adults) and parents (for children) in the average person's household. Finally, the new classi fcation system's treatment of non-relatives reveals their rapidly increasing prevalence in households in the most recent decades, reversing a long-term trend. Thus, non-relatives may be a new source of household complexity in the future. Much of the description of household change suggests ways in which demographic composition aff ects households. To specify these effects, I use the same data as in the descriptive work, combined with decomposition techniques to attribute changes in the distribution of people across household types to two components: the demographic composition component, de nied as the age, sex, marital and parity distributions in the population, versus the household propensity component, de nied as the conditional probability of living in a certain household type given age, sex, marital and parity status. Microsimulation is then used to separate the demographic composition component into its vital rate components of fertility, mortality, and nuptiality. The results of this analysis show that, although the movement away from larger, more complex household types does not seem to have been demographically driven, demographic composition had a great deal to do with which of the smaller household types grew while the more complex types became less prevalent. Specifically, population aging favored people living alone or in households consisting of married couples only while fertility fluctuations increased the share of households consisting of nuclear families during the baby boom, and decreased that share during the subsequent baby bust. The most recent decades have seen an increase in more complex household structures, stemming from decreases in marriage, increases in divorce, and increases in cohabitation. In addition to revealing patterns in the past, the microsimulation is also used to project future household change under various demographic scenarios. These projections imply that current patterns of delayed or foregone marriage and high divorce could end the century-long increase in married couple household prevalence. Also, continued high levels of extramarital childbearing could lead to a rise in household complexity, as unmarried parents and their children tend to live in more complex household types. Finally, projections suggest that future population change will continue to contribute positively to living alone and negatively to nuclear family households.

This paper highlights geographic regions gaining and losing investment and social security income (collectively referred to as nonearnings income) through migration of baby boomers and their predecessors. There is a consistent Rustbelt to Sunbelt shift in nonearnings income due to migration, as well as movement down the urban hierarchy into nonmetropolitan destinations. The analysis further indicates migration of those over age 55 contributes to greater levels of economic disparity across space. Regions like the Plains are losing a higher proportion of well- to-do migrants in this age group, as individuals move to high amenity destinations in the Rocky Mountains. Such destinations are likely to enjoy significant economic benefits as these new sources arrive. The places of origin, however, are left with less-well-off populations posing significant social and economic problems. In contrast, baby boomer migration appears to benefit nonmetropolitan territories in all regions, and baby boomers with higher levels of per capita economic resources appear to be responsible for these nonmetropolitan income gains.

Despite a once-conspicuous presence in the Western United States, little is known demo-graphically about the Chinese in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century in the United States. The widely accepted model of a declining male sojourner society, beset by draconian restrictions on immigration and the impossibility of family formation, is seemingly contradicted by the continuous economic vitality of urban Chinatowns in the United States. This article tests the largely unexamined demographic structure of the Chinese population in the United States through the application of cohort-component projection on census data from 1880 through 1940, including data recently made available as part of the Integrated Public Use Microdata Series (IPUMS). The results fail to support the model of passive population decline, suggesting instead that the Chinese actively engaged in a collective strategy of long-distance labor exchange to maximize economic productivity among Chinese workers in the United States.

In 1942, all Japanese were evacuated from the West Coast and incarcerated in internment camps. To investigate the long-run economic consequences of this historic episode, I exploit the fact that Hawaiian Japanese were not subject to mass internment. I find that the labor market withdrawal induced by the internment reduced the annual earnings of males by as much as nine to thirteen percent twenty-five years afterwards. This is consistent with the predictions of an economic model that equates the labor market withdrawal induced by the internment with a loss of civilian labor market experience or a loss of advantageous job matches.

Research on the effect of language skills on earnings is complicated by the endogeneity of language skills. This study exploits the phenomenon that younger children learn languages more easily than older children to construct an instrumental variable for language proficiency. We find a significant positive effect of English proficiency on wages among adults who immigrated to the U.S. as children. Much of this impact appears to be mediated through education. Differences between non-English-speaking origin countries and English-speaking ones that might make immigrants from the latter a poor control group for nonlanguage age-at-arrival effects do not drive these findings.

Local and state economic development policymakers and practitioners have traditionally been concerned about promoting job growth. Much less attention, however, has been given to those who actually benefit from job growth or to the quality rather than the quantity of new jobs. Its clear that some localities and their residents benefit more from economic growth than others do. During the current economic expansion of the 1990s, many cities and towns continued to suffer under high unemployment and poverty rates.1 However, some metropolitan areas do better than others do in translating employment growth into economic opportunities for low income individuals. The differential impact and benefit of economic growth may be especially true for workers and job seekers with no more than a high school education.2. This paper will measure the relationship between employment growth and employment opportunities for noncollege-educated males by examining variations across metropolitan areas in the living-wage employment ratio for prime-aged adult males (2555 years old) with at most a high school education (less educated).Living-wage employment is defined here as full-time, year-round employment (35-45 hours a week, at least 40 weeks a year) yielding annual earnings at or above the official poverty level for a family of four. Dividing the number of less-educated adult males employed in living wage jobs by the total number of less-educated adult males results in a ratiothe living-wage employment ratio. Less-educated adult males were chosen because of the plausible view3 that the falling economic status of less-educated men is a primary cause of a number of social problems as well as the decline of many inner-city, low-income communities. The paper focuses on the following questions: Did metro areas with the same economic base have the same living-wage employment ratio for less-educated men? What factors influenced the variation across metropolitan areas in the living-wage employment ratio for less-educated adult males? Were there racial differences in the living-wage employment ratio across and within metropolitan areas? Did some metro areas have higher or lower rates of living-wage employment than would be expected given their economic base? And do such differences provide insight into institutional, policy, or programmatic variations across metro areas?With respect to the last question, in particular, it is important to note that the descriptive analysis presented in this paper cannot provide definitive policy prescriptions, because it cannot address the causal relationships that underlie the findings. However, the statistical patterns do provide useful insights for policymakers, program planners, researchers, and practitioners as they search for promising ways to improve economic opportunity and alleviate poverty among the working poor.The data set for the analysis was derived from the University of Minnesota's Integrated Public Use Microdata Series (IPUM) for 1980 and 1990. IPUMS consists of data on individual households and persons drawn from the censuses of 18501990. The data series contains almost all the detail originally recorded by the census. In order to protect confidentiality, no geographic areas smaller than 100,000 are identified. IPUMS was used to create a data sampleof individual non-Hispanic white, African American (black) and Latino males 2555 years old with no more than a high school education living in the 99 largest metro areas in the U.S.

OBJECTIVE: Whites of various European ethnic backgrounds usually have weak ethnic attachment and have options to identify their ethnic identity (Waters, 1990). What about children born to interracial married couples? METHODS: I use 1990 Census data-the last census in which only one race could be chosen-to examine how African American-white, Latino-white, Asian American-white, and American Indian-white couples identify their children's race/ethnicity. RESULTS: Children of African American-white couples are least likely to be identified as white, while children of Asian American-white couples are most likely to be identified as white. Intermarried couples in which the minority spouse is male, native born or has no white ancestry are more likely to identify their children as minorities than are those in which the minority spouse is female, foreign born, or has part white ancestry. In addition, neighborhood minority concentration increases the likelihood that biracial children are identified as minorities. CONCLUSION: This study shows that choices of racial and ethnic identification of multiracial children are not as optional as for whites of various European ethnic backgrounds. They are influenced by race/ethnicity of the minority parent, intermarried couples' characteristics, and neighborhood compositions.