OBJECTIVE: To estimate the risks for medically attended events occurring within 42 days of receiving trivalent inactivated influenza vaccine and to evaluate specific risks of first-trimester vaccination. METHODS: This retrospective observational cohort study compared rates of medically attended adverse events in trivalent inactivated influenza-vaccinated and unvaccinated pregnant women in the Vaccine Safety Datalink. Using a Poisson distribution and log link, we calculated maternal adjusted incident rate ratios for composite safety outcomes for the full cohort and the subset vaccinated during the first trimester. RESULTS: The cohort included 75,906 vaccinated (28.4% in the first trimester) and 147,992 unvaccinated women matched by age, site, and pregnancy start date. In the first 3 days after vaccination, trivalent inactivated influenza vaccine was not associated with increased risk of specified medically attended events, including allergic reactions, cellulitis, and seizures (full cohort adjusted incident rate ratio 1.12, 95% confidence interval [CI] 0.81–1.55; P=.48; first-trimester adjusted incident rate ratio .97, 95% CI 0.53–1.78; P=.93). In the first 42 days, no incident cases of Guillain-Barré syndrome, optic neuritis, transverse myelitis, or Bells palsy were identified. Trivalent inactivated influenza vaccine was not associated with thrombocytopenia (full cohort adjusted incident rate ratio 0.90, 95% CI 0.68--1.19; P=.45; first-trimester adjusted incident rate ratio 0.56, 95% CI 0.22–1.39; P=.21) or an acute neurologic event (full cohort adjusted incident rate ratio 0.92, 95% CI 0.54–1.6; P=.75; first-trimester adjusted incident rate ratio 1.05, 95% CI 0.46–2.38; P=.91). CONCLUSIONS: Receipt of trivalent inactivated influenza vaccine during pregnancy was not associated with increased risk of adverse events in the 42 days after vaccination, supporting its safety for the mother.

Age and Time disparities in young adult research populations are common because young adults are defined by varying age spans; members of Generation X and Millennial generations may both be considered young adults; study years vary, affecting populations; and qualitative methods with limited age/year samples are frequently utilized. The current theoretical analysis brings population differences to the forefront by a) identifying Age and Time differences among Young Adults, Gen Xers, and Millennials, b) demonstrating associations vary by Age and Time, and c) directly comparing findings for several commonly researched measures (i.e., Race, Education, Marriage, Parenthood, Employment, Income, Computer Use, Social Trust, and Prayer). Information presented advances the perspicacious assessment of young adult studies.

This report serves as a companion to NIRSs July 2013 study, The Retirement Savings Crisis: Is It Worse Than We Think?, which documented a significant retirement savings gap among working-age households in the US. In this follow-up report, we examine racial disparities in retirement readiness among workers and households age 25-64. This paper analyzes workplace retirement coverage, retirement account ownership, and retirement account balances among whites, people of color, andwhere data permitsBlacks, Latinos, and Asians. Findings are based on an analysis of data from the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics Current Population Survey Annual Social and Economic Supplement and the U.S. Federal Reserves 2010 Survey of Consumer Finances. The report finds that while every racial group faces significant risks, people of color face particularly severe challenges in preparing for retirement.

Marital status can both reflect and a ffect individual preferences. We explore the impact of marriage on corporate CEOs, and fi nd that firms run by single CEOs exhibit higher stock return volatility, pursue more aggressive investment policies, and do not respond to changes in idiosyncratic risk. These e ffects are weaker for older CEOs. Our fi ndings continue to hold when we use variation in divorce laws across states to instrument for CEO marital status, which supports the hypothesis that marriage itself drives choices rather than it just reflecting innate heterogeneity in preferences. We explore various potential explanations for why single CEOs may be less risk-averse.

An estimated 702,000 Hispanics of Honduran origin resided in the United States in 2011, according to the Census Bureau’s American Community Survey. Hondurans in this statistical profile are people who self-identified as Hispanics of Honduran origin; this means either they themselves are Honduran immigrants or they trace their family ancestry to Honduras. Hondurans are the ninth-largest population of Hispanic origin living in the United States, accounting for 1.4% of the U.S. Hispanic population in 2011. Mexicans, the nation’s largest Hispanic origin group, constituted 33.5 million, or 64.6%, of the Hispanic population in 2011. 1 This statistical profile compares the demographic, income and economic characteristics of the Honduran population with the characteristics of all Hispanics and the U.S. population overall. It is based on tabulations from the 2011 American Community Survey by the . . .

This handbook chapter seeks to document the economic forces that led the US to become an urban nation over its two hundred year history. We show that the urban wage premium in the US was remarkably stable over the past two centuries, ranging between 15 and 40 percent, while the rent premium was more variable. The urban wage premium rose through the mid-nineteenth century as new manufacturing technologies enhanced urban productivity; then fell from 1880 to 1940 (especially through 1915) as investments in public health infrastructure improved the urban quality of life; and finally rose sharply after 1980, coinciding with the skill- (and apparently also urban-) biased technological change of the computer revolution. The second half of the chapter focuses instead on the location of workers and firms within metropolitan areas. Over the twentieth century, both households and employment have relocated from the central city to the suburban ring. The two forces emphasized in the monocentric city model, rising incomes and falling commuting costs, can explain much of this pattern, while urban crime and racial diversity also played a role.

Forty years of armed conflict have made Colombia home to over 3 million Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs). The armed conflict in Colombia is unique given that it is characterized by asymmetric warfare and low intensity. This paper explores the education attainment effects on children of direct exposure to this kind of conflict. First we show that given the low intensity of this conflict, estimating the impact of conflict on school attainment in Colombia, by comparing education outcomes of children living in municipalities with high conflict levels with those who do not, produces estimates that are very different from the direct impact of conflict. Next we estimate the direct education attainment effect of the conflict by comparing children of IDPs with children of non-migrants using fixed effects and instrumental variables (IV) estimators. Our IV results suggest that direct exposure to conflict reduces education attainment by 0.12 of a year for children 6-11 years and reduces attainment by about 0.42 of a year for children at the secondary level.

Age and survey year(s) distinctions among 18 to 29-year-old Young Adults, Gen Xers, and Millennials were identified in 2000-2012 General Social Survey data and how population differences affected research findings was explored. Dependent measures included the following: Race, Education, Marriage, Parenthood, Employment, Income, Computer Use, Social Trust, and Prayer. Differences in findings among Young Adult, Gen Xer, and Millennial populations were found in the same data source. Findings hold practical implications for interpretations, generalizations, and replications of young adult research studies. This article uniquely contributes to the field of young adult research by promoting the perspicacious assessment of findings generalized to Young Adult, Gen Xer, or Millennial populations.

Since the advent of the all-volunteer force in the 1970s, marriage, parenthood, and family life have become commonplace in the U.S. military among enlisted personnel and officers alike, and military spouses and children now outnumber service members by a ratio of 1.4 to 1. Reviewing data from the government and from academic and nonacademic research, Molly Clever and David R. Segal find several trends that distinguish todays military families. Compared with civilians, for example, service members marry younger and start families earlier. Because of the requirements of their jobs, they move much more frequently than civilians do, and they are often separated from their families for months at a time. And despite steady increases since the 1970s in the percentage of women who serve, the armed forces are still overwhelmingly male, meaning that the majority of military parents are fathers.

Individual outcomes are highly correlated with group average outcomes, a fact often interpreted as a causal peer effect. Without covariates, however, outcome-on-outcome peer effects are vacuous, either unity or, if the average is defined as leave-out, determined by a generic intraclass correlation coefficient. When pre-determined peer characteristics are introduced as covariates in a model linking individual outcomes with group averages, the question of whether peer effects or social spillovers exist is econometrically identical to that of whether a 2SLS estimator using group dummies to instrument individual characteristics differs from OLS estimates of the effect of these characteristics. The interpretation of results from models that rely solely on chance variation in peer groups is therefore complicated by bias from weak instruments. With systematic variation in group composition, the weak IV issue falls away, but the resulting 2SLS estimates can be expected to exceed the corresponding OLS estimates as a result of measurement error and other reasons unrelated to social effects. Randomized and quasi-experimental research designs that manipulate peer characteristics in a manner unrelated to individual characteristics provide the strongest evidence on the nature of social spillovers. As an empirical matter, designs of this sort have uncovered little in the way of socially significant causal effects.

We assess the importance of interpersonal income comparisons using data on suicide deaths. We examine whether suicide risk is related to others' income, holding own income and other individual and environmental factors fixed. We estimate models of the suicide hazard using two independent data sets: the National Longitudinal Mortality Study and the National Center for Health Statistics' Multiple Cause of Death Files combined with the 5% Public Use Micro Sample of the 1990 decennial census. Results from both data sources show that, controlling for own income and individual characteristics, individual suicide risk rises with others' income.

The most direct way to find out what elderly Americans do is to study how they occupy their time and, if they are still in the labor force, in what occupations can they be found. This essay focuses on three key issues regarding the activities of those 65 and over: their average use of time in 41 different activities, especially how they employ the greater discretionary time available to them in comparison to younger adults; the factors underlying their rising participation in the labor in the first decade of the twenty-first century; and the occupations that elderly men and women are most likely to be found and how this has changed.

An estimated 242,000 Hispanics of Argentinean origin resided in the United States in 2011, according to the Census Bureau’s American Community Survey. Argentineans in this statistical profile are people who self-identified as Hispanics of Argentinean origin; this means either they themselves are Argentinean immigrants or they trace their family ancestry to Argentina. Argentineans are the 14th-largest population of Hispanic origin living in the United States, accounting for 0.5% of the U.S. Hispanic population in 2011. Mexicans, the nation’s largest Hispanic origin group, constituted 33.5 million, or 64.6%, of the Hispanic population in 2011. 1 This statistical profile compares the demographic, income and economic characteristics of the Argentinean population with the characteristics of all Hispanics and the U.S. population overall. It is based on tabulations from the 2011 American . . .

Temporal GIS is important for history, and many other areas in the humanities, social sciences, and beyond. Yet as of 2009 the only known viewer for temporal GIS data appeared to be Google Earth. Lex Berman [1], who engineered the pioneering data model and software for CHGIS, wrote, “Now we can browse through hundreds, or thousands of years of Historical GIS objects, ... Interestingly, the temporal browsing functionality is only possible using a free software application, GoogleEarth, ...., but cannot be done with any of the major commercial GIS packages.” I also viewed the CHGIS dataset on Google Earth, and found it to be awkward and confusing (Fig. 1). When used with the two time-series provincial data files of CHGIS, the display is often too messy to comprehend precisely. The labeling is very poor, with the names of the capitals showing only in Chinese characters unless a placemark is moused over. Surprisingly, even though the time resolution of the CHGIS time series database is 1 year, Google Earth only seems to be able to display data sometimes every 7 years (such as 373, 380, 387,...) and sometimes every 8 years (such as the gap between 1490 and 1498). There are definitely temporal points in the database itself that lie on years that Google Earth apparently can't display, despite my attempts to set software preferences and to also look in the database files, in vain, to see if there are instructions telling Google Earth to skip or not to skip years. Not having found documentation indicating the contrary, I would venture a guess that designers of Google Earth skipped years in order to reduce the data handling load. Finally, when asked to animate the map by running through the years, Google Earth animates the map at a speed that is far too quick for the eyes to comprehend, even at the slowest speed setting [1]. This is not too surprising since Google Earth was probably not created specifically for Historical GIS, and also because of the year skipping mentioned earlier.

This dissertation project investigates the influence of the use of Geographical Information Systems (GIS) on the scholarly practices and mode of discourse in history. GIS technologies are of interest here because they have made spatial analysis and visual evidence more salient in a field that has over the years been text oriented (letters, diaries, manuscripts, etc.). The study is guided by the principles of social informatics (SI) and grounded theory in gathering and analyzing data about historians' perceptions and accounts of GIS use. It is built on the premise that technology user practices and research outcomes are mutually constituted by the interactions between technology affordances and broader context. The research involved 51 in-depth preliminary interviews and 8 follow-up interviews with researchers from four different countries either in person or by phone. In addition, three research site visits were made, 13 researchers working in interdisciplinary teams were observed, and supporting documents were analyzed. Furthermore, three in-depth topical comparative case studies were developed-The Great Dust Bowl, Railroads and Spatial Politics in California's Wheat Growing Districts and the Ghettoization of Budapest in 1947-to demonstrate how the historical accounts of these events were different before and after the introduction of GIS, and thereby create the grounds for understanding how the availability of the new tool has influenced historical reasoning. The study demonstrates that affordances provided by GIS are influencing historical research in four different ways. One, they are enabling discovery of relationships among different data types and at different scales that previously went unnoticed. Two, interactive capabilities of digital artifacts such as animated maps are drawing attention to the role of geographical elements in historical events. Three, the use of new technologies is stimulating new questions that were not raised until now. Four, the availability of geo-visualization techniques using custom choropleth maps are stimulating new ways of framing questions and advancing historical arguments. The study also found that a number of structural factors are shaping the use of GIS in historical research.

I study the conditions under which information about the causal effect of a treatment can be identified by applying difference-in-differences regression to two groups that both self-select into treatment. I establish that, in many cases when selection and counterfactual outcomes can be described by a Roy model, differences-in-differences provide a lower bound on group differences in the average effect of the treatment on the treated. This group difference in causal effects is particularly informative in cases where treatment effect heterogeneity is of direct interest or when it is reasonable to assume that the average treatment effect is nonnegative for both groups. Furthermore, because the requirements for identification are relatively weak, this group difference may provide a framework for understanding treated-untreated comparisons in causal terms in the absence of a credibly-exogenous source of variation in the propensity to be treated. I use the identification results to interpret North-South wage differentials in terms of black-white differences in the causal effect of Northward migration on wages, finding that migration increased wages for black migrants by at least 24% as much as for white migrants.

The Federalist financial revolution may have jump-started the U.S. economy into modern growth, but the Free Banking System (18371862) did not play a direct role in sustaining it. Despite lowering entry barriers and extending banking into developing regions, we find in county-level data that free banks had little or no effect on growth. The result is not just a symptom of the era, as state-chartered banks seem to have strong and positive effects on manufacturing and urbanization.