The labor market disruptions due to the Covid-19 pandemic and lockdowns impacted immigrant workers more severely than native-born workers in the US, Canada, Australia, and most EU countries. Immigrant workers in most of these countries were more vulnerable to the pandemic since they were more likely to be employed in jobs that are not as easy to perform remotely. The labor market recovery for both groups in the US was rapid, and by Fall 2020, the employment gaps between immigrant and native-born workers, both for men and women, had returned to pre-pandemic levels.

This study examines the association between financial worries and psychological distress among US adults and tests its moderating effects by gender, marital status, employment status, education, and income levels. Data were derived from the cross-sectional 2018 National Health Interview Survey (NHIS) of the adult population. The hierarchical regression analysis revealed that higher financial worries were significantly associated with higher psychological distress. Additionally, the association between financial worries and psychological distress was more pronounced among the unmarried, the unemployed, lower-income households, and renters than their counterparts. The findings suggest that accessible financial counseling programs and public health intervention programs are needed to mitigate financial worries and its negative influences on overall psychological health, with greater attention devoted to vulnerable populations.

This article reviews evidence on the labor market performance of Hispanics in the United States, with a particular focus on the US-born segment of this population. After discussing critical issues that arise in the US data sources commonly used to study Hispanics, we document how Hispanics currently compare with other Americans in terms of education, earnings, and labor supply, and then we discuss long-term trends in these outcomes. Relative to non-Hispanic Whites, US-born Hispanics from most national origin groups possess sizeable deficits in earnings, which in large part reflect corresponding educational deficits. Over time, rates of high school completion by US-born Hispanics have almost converged to those of non-Hispanic Whites, but the large Hispanic deficits in college completion have instead widened. Finally, from the perspective of immigrant generations, Hispanics experience substantial improvements in education and earnings between first-generation immigrants and the second-generation consisting of the US-born children of immigrants. Continued progress beyond the second generation is obscured by measurement issues arising from high rates of Hispanic intermarriage and the fact that later-generation descendants of Hispanic immigrants often do not self-identify as Hispanic when they come from families with mixed ethnic origins.

Various U.S. states and municipalities raised their mandated minimum wages between 2017 and 2019. In some areas, minimum wages became high enough to bind for more professional workers, such as lower paid staff at nursing facilities. We add to the small prior literature on the effects of minimum wages on nursing facility staffing using novel establishment-level data on daily hours worked; these data allow us to examine changes in staffing hours along margins previously unexplored in the minimum wage literature. We find no evidence that minimum wage increases reduced hours worked among lower-paid nurses in nursing facilities. In contrast, we find that increases in state and local minimum wages increased hours worked per resident day by nursing assistants; increases occurred for the average of all days throughout the month and on weekend days. We also find that a higher minimum wage increased the share of days in the month that facilities meet at least 75% of the minimum recommended levels of staffing for nursing assistants. These results lessen concerns that minimum wage hikes may reduce the quality of resident care at nursing facilities.

Mistrust between immigrants and the police may undermine law enforcement's ability to keep communities safe. This paper documents that immigration policies affect an individual's willingness to report crime. I analyze the 2015 Priority Enforcement Program, which focused immigration enforcement on individuals convicted of serious crimes and shifted resources away from immigration-related offenses. I use data from the Dallas Police Department that include a complainant's ethnicity to show that the number of violent and property crimes reported to the police by Hispanics increased by 4 percent after the introduction of PEP. These results suggest that reducing enforcement of individuals who do not pose a threat to public safety can potentially improve trust between immigrant communities and the police.

Studies of occupational sex segregation rely on the sociocultural model to explain why some occupations are numerically dominated by women and others by men. This model argues that occupational sex segregation is driven by norms about gender-appropriate work, which are frequently conceptualized as gender-typed skills: work-related tasks, abilities, and knowledge domains that society views as either feminine or masculine. The sociocultural model thus explains the primary patterns of occupational sex segregation, which conform to these norms: Requirements for feminine (masculine) skills increase with women's (men's) representation in the occupation. However, the model does not adequately explain cases of segregation that deviate from these norms or investigate the ways in which feminine and masculine skills co-occur in occupations. The present study fills these gaps by evaluating two previously untested explanations for deviations from the sociocultural model. The findings show that requirements for physical strength (a masculine skill) increase with women's representation in professional occupations because physical strength skills co-occur with substantially higher requirements for feminine skills that involve helping and caring for others. These results indicate that the sociocultural model, and more generally explanations for how gender norms drive occupational sex segregation, can be improved by examining patterns of gender-typed skill co-occurrence.

A reconstruction attack on a private dataset D takes as input some publicly accessible information about the dataset and produces a list of candidate elements of D. We introduce a new class of data reconstruction attacks based on randomized methods for non-convex optimization. We empirically demonstrate that our attacks can not only reconstruct full rows of D from aggregate query statistics Q(D) ∈ R m , but can do so in a way that reliably ranks reconstructed rows by their odds of appearing in the private data, providing a signature that could be used for prioritizing reconstructed rows for further actions such as identify theft or hate crime. We also design a sequence of baselines for evaluating reconstruction attacks. Our attacks significantly outperform those that are based only on access to a public distribution or population from which the private dataset D was sampled, demonstrating that they are exploiting information in the aggregate statistics Q(D), and not simply the overall structure of the distribution. In other words, the queries Q(D) are permitting reconstruction of elements of this dataset, not the distribution from which D was drawn. These findings are established both on 2010 U.S. decennial Census data and queries and Census-derived American Community Survey datasets. Taken together, our methods and experiments illustrate the risks in releasing numerically precise aggregate statistics of a large dataset, and provide further motivation for the careful application of provably private techniques such as differential privacy.

Background: As a result of the opioid epidemic, the demand for treatment options for opioid use disorder (OUD) such as methadone has increased. Methadone can only be administered in methadone clinics. Though numerous methadone clinics are located across the state of Georgia, access to methadone treatment may still be a concern for certain areas of the state. In this study, we examine the relationship between access to methadone clinics and opioid overdose death rates at the county level and compare access to treatment through Federally Qualified Health Centers (FQHCs) if methadone provision was to expand in Georgia. Methods: We utilize location data for methadone clinics and FQHCs, and opioid overdose death rates at the county level from 2019 for the study analysis. The analysis was carried out using a geographical information system (GIS) mapping and a descriptive analysis. Results: The results show that there is no methadone clinic accessible to individuals within a 15-minute drive time for 4 out of the 5 counties with the highest opioid overdose death rates in Georgia, though FQHCs are accessible within a 15-minute drive time to more than 67% of the population in each of these counties. Additionally, 7 out of the 9 counties with the highest opioid overdose death rates have no methadone clinic accessible within a 15-minute drive time, though all those counties have easier access to FQHCs. Conclusion: If methadone distribution was to expand to FQHCs, more counties and a larger area of Georgia would have greater access to methadone treatment.

This paper integrates a unique dimension of gender in the analysis of economic vulnerability in urban contexts by focusing on women aged 50 and older. We use a probit model to predict the likelihood of vulnerability with a zero-one dummy dependent variable, and four categories of socioeconomic characteristics as predic-tors: educational attainment, labour market participation, individual demographics, and household characteristics. Using a pooled cross-section of data from the American Community Survey (2013-2017 5-Year estimates), we explore the transmission channel of vulnerability across the four largest cities in the US. The results show, through average marginal effects, a strong association between economic vulnerability and key socioeconomic indicators. The findings support the view that gender differences in labour market participation remain key in explaining disparities. Our two policy prescriptions focus on a more targeted approach in implementing retirement policy changes and loosening the link between labour supply and income.

Importance Historically marginalized racial and ethnic groups are generally more likely to experience sleep deficiencies. It is unclear how these sleep duration disparities have changed during recent years. Objective To evaluate 15-year trends in racial and ethnic differences in self-reported sleep duration among adults in the US. Design, Setting, and Participants This serial cross-sectional study used US population-based National Health Interview Survey data collected from 2004 to 2018. A total of 429 195 noninstitutionalized adults were included in the analysis, which was performed from July 26, 2021, to February 10, 2022. Exposures Self-reported race, ethnicity, household income, and sex. Main Outcomes and Measures Temporal trends and racial and ethnic differences in short (<7 hours in 24 hours) and long (>9 hours in 24 hours) sleep duration and racial and ethnic differences in the association between sleep duration and age. Results The study sample consisted of 429 195 individuals (median [IQR] age, 46 [31-60] years; 51.7% women), of whom 5.1% identified as Asian, 11.8% identified as Black, 14.7% identified as Hispanic or Latino, and 68.5% identified as White. In 2004, the adjusted estimated prevalence of short and long sleep duration were 31.4% and 2.5%, respectively, among Asian individuals; 35.3% and 6.4%, respectively, among Black individuals; 27.0% and 4.6%, respectively, among Hispanic or Latino individuals; and 27.8% and 3.5%, respectively, among White individuals. During the study period, there was a significant increase in short sleep prevalence among Black (6.39 [95% CI, 3.32-9.46] percentage points), Hispanic or Latino (6.61 [95% CI, 4.03-9.20] percentage points), and White (3.22 [95% CI, 2.06-4.38] percentage points) individuals (P < .001 for each), whereas prevalence of long sleep changed significantly only among Hispanic or Latino individuals (−1.42 [95% CI, −2.52 to −0.32] percentage points;P = .01). In 2018, compared with White individuals, short sleep prevalence among Black and Hispanic or Latino individuals was higher by 10.68 (95% CI, 8.12-13.24;P < .001) and 2.44 (95% CI, 0.23-4.65;P = .03) percentage points, respectively, and long sleep prevalence was higher only among Black individuals (1.44 [95% CI, 0.39-2.48] percentage points;P = .007). The short sleep disparities were greatest among women and among those with middle or high household income. In addition, across age groups, Black individuals had a higher short and long sleep duration prevalence compared with White individuals of the same age. Conclusions and Relevance The findings of this cross-sectional study suggest that from 2004 to 2018, the prevalence of short and long sleep duration was persistently higher among Black individuals in the US. The disparities in short sleep duration appear to be highest among women, individuals who had middle or high income, and young or middle-aged adults, which may be associated with health disparities.

Farm animal welfare (FAW) issues are becoming increasingly political in many countries, as evidenced by the increased use of regulations, legislation, and ballot initiatives. Available empirical evidence however, indicates that consumer valuation of improved animal welfare is low, although positive. As a result of the sensitive nature of FAW issues, public preferences for improved FAW standards can be susceptible to social desirability bias leading to disparities between regulatory standards and the public’s “true” preferences. Given the potential negative impacts of high mandated FAW standards on food costs and the associated consumer and producer welfare losses, this study examined the issue of effective public preference elicitation in animal welfare ballot initiatives. Specifically, we examined social desirability, the tendency to conform to the social norms, and its role in generating overenthusiasm in the support for FAW issues and policy instruments. We used data from an opt-in survey of respondents and compared results of a List Experiments (LE) to a conventional (direct) survey format. Our results show that public support for the FAW issues examined was consistently overestimated when elicited with the conventional survey format. We discuss the implications of these outcomes for animal welfare policy and offer suggestions to researchers and practitioners eliciting preferences in other sensitive food policy contexts.

This commentary on a case offers a historical perspective on how home health work became separate from other sites and means of professional caregiving, exacerbating poor continuity of care in the US health care system. Categorizing home health work as domestic work continues to racialize and marginalize workers. Poor public policy responding to market pressures to keep home health work cheap also perpetuates home health workers’ classification as independent contractors, their lack of training, and low wages. This commentary suggests an alternative model for the future of home health work in the United States.

In the United States (US), Black—particularly Black female—healthcare workers are more likely to hold occupations with high job demand, low job control with limited support from supervisors or coworkers and are more vulnerable to job loss than their white counterparts. These work-related factors increase the risk of hypertension. This study examines the extent to which occupational segregation explains the persistent racial inequity in hypertension in the healthcare workforce and the potential health impact of workforce desegregation policies. We simulated a US healthcare workforce with four occupational classes: health diagnosing professionals (i.e., highest status), health treating professionals, healthcare technicians, and healthcare aides (i.e., lowest status). We simulated occupational segregation by allocating 25-year-old workers to occupational classes with the race- and gender-specific probabilities estimated from the American Community Survey data. Our model used occupational class attributes and workers’ health behaviors to predict hypertension over a 40-year career. We tracked the hypertension prevalence and the Black–white prevalence gap among the simulated workers under the staus quo condition (occupational segregation) and the experimental conditions in which occupational segregation was eliminated. We found that the Black–white hypertension prevalence gap became approximately one percentage point smaller in the experimental than in the status quo conditions. These findings suggest that policies designed to desegregate the healthcare workforce may reduce racial health inequities in this population. Our microsimulation may be used in future research to compare various desegregation policies as they may affect workers’ health differently.

Background: The Affordable Care Act (ACA) was passed in 2010 and implemented in 2014 in the United States (U.S.). It was partly intended to reduce the cost burden to health coverage and care. Objective: To determine if ACA implementation reduced the odds of experiencing cost barriers to needed healthcare services for vulnerable groups. Methodology: National Health Interview Survey Data from the Integrated Public Use Microdata Set (2011-2013; 2015-2017) were used to examine cost barriers to primary health, mental health, dental services, and prescription medications particularly for adults living in poverty, those of color, and unmarried individuals before and after implementation of the ACA. The study sample included 112,245 individuals, representing an annual average of 138 million adults (aged 26 to 64 years of age), including 59,367 survey respondents from 2011 to 2013 and 52,878 from 2015 to 2017. Results: Pre/post-ACA, cost barriers to medical care decreased from 9.6% to 7.0% of adults, mental care from 3.0% to 2.4%, dental care 15.0 to 11.7%, and prescriptions from 9.9% to 7.0% (all comparisons p<.001). Survey design-adjusted regression results indicated significant decreases in the odds of experiencing cost barriers to physical, mental, dental health services and prescription medications after the implementation of the ACA for people living under 200% poverty, unmarried adults, and people of color. While the race was not a substantial barrier post-ACA, living in poverty and being unmarried remained the biggest predictors of cost barriers to services. Cost barriers for all services increased post ACA for adults with private coverage, and among older adults for prescription and dental services. Conclusions: While the ACA was largely successful in reducing the number of uninsured adults in the U.S., remaining barriers suggest the need to strengthen the ACA and reduce cost barriers to healthcare services for everyone.

Objectives This study investigates whether year of arrival to the U.S. and birthplace relate to post-migration cognitive difficulties among foreign- and U.S.-born Arab Americans in later life. Methods We analyzed 19 years (2000–2019) of data from the American Community Survey (ACS) Public Use Microdata Samples (weighted N = 393,501; ages ≥ 50 years). Cognitive difficulty was based on self-reported data, and weighted means, percentages, adjusted prevalence estimates, and adjusted odds ratio were calculated. Results Controlling only for demographics, foreign-born Arabs reported higher odds of cognitive difficulty compared to U.S.-born Arabs across all arrival cohorts (p<.001). After accounting for economic and integration factors, those who arrived between 1991-2000 had higher odds (OR = 1.06, 95% CI =1.00, 1.19, p<.01), while those who arrived after 2001 had lower odds (OR = 0.87, 95% CI = 0.78, 0.97, p <.001) of cognitive difficulty. Lacking English proficiency (OR = 1.90, 95% CI = 1.82, 1.98, p <.001) was related to higher odds, whereas not being a U.S. citizen was significantly associated with lower odds (OR = 0.89, 95% CI = 0.52, 0.94, p <.001) of cognitive difficulty. Yet, results varied by birthplace. Migrants born in Iraq consistently reported the highest odds of cognitive difficulty across all arrival cohorts. Conclusions Migration history and birthplace may be important factors explaining cognitive disparities among the diverse group of Arab migrants and Arab Americans. Future research examining mechanisms underlying these associations and the impact of migration on cognitive health is needed to address cognitive disparities in migrants.

This paper documents stylized and empirical facts associated with co-borrowers in the US mortgage market since the early 1990s. The share of mortgages with a co-borrower has declined dramatically across different income and demographic groups. We show that this decline, despite being a universal phenomenon across the US, evinces significant regional heterogeneity which contributes to the divergence in local mortgage markets outcomes. Regions with a lower co-borrower share have higher mortgage default rates. Further, in an event of an adverse shock, regions with a low share of mortgages with a co-borrower experience persistently lower house price growth, and lower purchase and refinance mortgage growth.

This quantitative study explores Bangladeshi immigrants' adaptation in the United States. Bangladeshi immigrants are one of the fastest-growing minority ethnic groups in the United States. Despite their tremendous growth, little is known about them, and no systematic study of their adaptation to American life has been published. This dissertation fills this void in the literature by thoroughly examining the cultural, socioeconomic, structural, and political adaptation of Bangladeshi immigrants in the United States. This study addresses two research questions: How well do Bangladeshi immigrants in the United States adapt culturally, socioeconomically, structurally, and politically into American life? What are the major determinants of the structural, cultural, socioeconomic, and political adaptation of Bangladeshi immigrants? To answer the research questions, this study is guided by several theoretical frameworks and proposes a set of hypotheses for testing. The data for this study come from the 2001-2019 American Community Surveys and the 2000-2021 Current Population Surveys conducted by the U.S. Census Bureau. Major methods of analysis include chi-square test, ANOVA, ordinary least squares regression, and logistic regression.

Studies on the effect of marijuana on domestic violence often suffer from endogeneity issues. To examine the effect of marijuana decriminalization and medical marijuana legalization on serious domestic assaults, we conducted a difference-in-differences analysis on a panel dataset on NIBRS-reported assaults in 24 states over the 12 years between 2005 and 2016. Assaults disaggregated according to situation and extent of injury were employed as dependent variables. We found that while the total number of assaults did not change, decriminalization reduced domestic assaults involving serious injuries by 18%. From a harm reduction perspective, these results suggest that while the extensive margin of violence did not change, the intensive margin measured by the seriousness of assaults were substantially affected by decriminalization. This result may be partially explained by reductions in offender alcohol intoxication and weapon-involved assault.

To determine regional differences in the prevalence of overall physical health, overall mental health, and serious psychological distress (SPD). Data from the 2004 to 2016 Medical Expenditure Panel Survey were used for weighted analysis across region. Relationship modifiers considered were sociodemographic factors, health factors, and measures of health expenditures. A higher burden ratio of health care expenditures is negatively associated with health outcomes, across all US regions and insurance. Compared to 2004 values, SPD, overall physical health, and mental health are significantly improved after 2014. This research supports the whole health paradigm, indicating that overall mental and physical health are closely related. The burden of health care costs is an important consideration and related to overall health outcomes, regardless of insurance status or region. These considerations are likely increasingly important to consider with recent global events.