Studies of classical gentrification typically focus on the embourgeoisement of neighborhoods and displacement of marginalized people. Recently, a new form of gentrification – super-gentrification – has emerged with the expansion of global finance capital, according to urban geographer Loretta Lees. Super-gentrification entails the further upscaling of already gentrified neighborhoods with the in-migration of upper-income residents and displacement of middle class residents, many of whom were among the initial gentrifiers. Despite the attention policy makers, urban planners, and the media are paying to the “middle class squeeze,” few quantitative studies of super-gentrification exist. Using data from the United States Decennial Census, American Community Survey, public residential sales transaction records, and real estate listings, this article sheds light on the landscape of super-gentrification and how to identify it with a quantitative analysis of changes in income, demographics, and housing affordability in the Park Slope neighborhood of Brooklyn, New York since 1970.

Who are (or can count as) Taiwanese Americans? To what extent and in what ways do they participate politically in the United States? This study attempts to unpack the concept of Chineseness by examining various formations of identity boundaries of Taiwanese Americans. We empirically assess their “success” in political participation and incorporation by analyzing patterns of political participation of U.S. voting-age adults who were born in or originated from Taiwan, as compared to those who were born in or originated from (Mainland) China and Asia as a whole. We argue that Taiwanese Americans occupy a distinct space in modern Asian American history and a better understanding of the experiences of this often overlooked and misunderstood community can further explicate the complexity of being Chinese in contemporary America. However, we discuss multiple sets of methodological challenges in systematically studying the population through U.S. census survey and several other types of quantitative data. Whereas we find immigrants originated from Taiwan to be generally more active in electoral politics than those from Mainland China, our findings challenge the pluralist assumptions of a linear process of political incorporation and reject an overtly simplistic characterization of Taiwanese Americans as a “model-minority” success story.

On September 24, 2017, the Trump administration released a Presidential Proclamation enacting a travel ban that excludes certain individuals from eight countries – Chad, Iran, Libya, North Korea, Somalia, Syria, Venezuela, and Yemen.1 Individuals from these countries who wish to enter the United States on either an immigrant (permanent admission) or nonimmigrant (temporary) basis are subject to restrictions. This Proclamation was the third attempt at a travel ban by the administration; the previous two had been partially blocked by the courts.2 The September 24, 2017 Proclamation was also initially blocked, but on December 4, 2017 the Supreme Court reinstated the full version of the travel ban.3 As a result, thousands of people have been impacted by the ban. In January 2018, the Supreme Court agreed to hear arguments on the legality of the Presidential Proclamation.4 On April 11, 2018, the president removed Chad from the list of countries on the travel ban, citing improvements in the country’s “identity-management and information sharing practices.”Although it is difficult to estimate the exact number of individuals who may be impacted, we can examine data from the U.S. Census Bureau about immigrants from these countries already living in the United States to get a sense of the economic contribution immigrants from the affected countries are making. The data showimmigrants from the affected countries are typically employed, highly educated, have high incomes, are homeowners, and make economic contributions to the United States. The social and economic contributions made by these immigrants did not occur overnight. With time these immigrants overcame challenges to make significant contributions to the United States. All of this suggests that barring future nationals from these countries could have a negative economic and social impact on the United States.

In order for New Mexico’s women and families to be self-sufficient and lead healthy, empowered lives, lawmakers must work to advance economic security by prioritizing policies that will ensure economic equality and reproductive health care access for all. Women need policies that reflect their roles as providers and caregivers. In New Mexico, mothers are the sole, primary, or co-breadwinners in 62.6 percent of families,1 and these numbers are higher for some women of color. The following policy recommendations can help support the economic security of women and families in New Mexico.

The Affordable Care Act (ACA) included several provisions to increase access to affordable health insurance coverage for nonelderly adults. In this chartbook, we report changes in uninsurance among women of reproductive age (15 to 44) from 2013 to 2016 using data from the American Community Survey (ACS). We find  the uninsurance rate among women of reproductive age fell from 20.3 percent in 2013 to 11.6 percent in 2016, a 43 percent decrease;  women of all ages, family structures, races and ethnicities, citizenship status, educational attainment, employment status, and incomes gained coverage between 2013 and 2016;  despite these gains, women of color, single mothers, noncitizens, and women with low incomes or a high school education or less still had higher rates of uninsurance in 2016;  among reproductive-age women who remained uninsured in 2016, about 20 percent were likely eligible for comprehensive Medicaid or Children's Health Insurance Program (CHIP) coverage based on their income, another 28 percent were likely eligible for assistance with premiums for Marketplace coverage based on their income; and nearly 50 percent were likely ineligible for assistance obtaining comprehensive health insurance, including noncitizens (29.1 percent), low-income women in nonexpansion states eligible for family planning programs only (10.2 percent) or ineligible for any Medicaid benefits (5.5 percent), and women with incomes above 400 percent of the federal poverty level, or FPL (4.2 percent).

The dynamics of engineering labor markets are controversial. Some believe they are similar to other labor markets, in which the supply of workers is responsive to demand asreflected in salaries. As the demand for engineers increases, salaries increase, motivating more students to major in engineering and more incumbents to stay in engineering. Others assert thatthespecializedknowledge andarduous educationand trainingrequired of engineers inherently limit the size of the labor pool. According to this view, the U.S. education system does not produce a sufficient number of qualified engineerstomeet national needs. One problem issaid to be a lack of interest in the profession of engineering by American young people, especially women and some minorities. Another is a supposed weakness in the U.S. K-12 education system which, it is claimed, does not produce a sufficient number of high school graduates qualified to enter university engineering programs.

There are several open source and commercial implementations of the Visvalingam algorithm for line generalization. The algorithm provides scope for implementation-specific interpretations, with different outcomes. This is inevitable and sometimes necessary and, it does not imply that an implementation is flawed. The only restriction is that the output must not be so inconsistent with the intent of the algorithm that it becomes inappropriate. The aim of this paper is to place the algorithm within the literature, and demonstrate the value of the teragon-test for evaluating the appropriateness of implementations; Mapshaper v 0.2.28 and earlier versions are used for illustrative purposes. Data pertaining to natural features, such as coastlines, are insufficient for establishing whether deviations in output are significant. The teragon-test revealed an unexpected loss of symmetry from both the Visvalingam and Douglas-Peucker options, making the tested versions unsuitable for some applications, especially outside of cartography. This paper describes the causes, and discusses their implications. Mapshaper 0.3.17 passes the teragon test. Other developers and users should check their implementations using contrived geometric data, such as the teragon data used in this paper, especially when the source code is not available for inspection. The teragon-test is also useful for evaluating other point reduction algorithms.

We follow the transition from high school to college and the characteristics of college enrollment from 2009 to 2017 in four cohorts of high school graduates in Saint Cloud Minnesota, using student records from the school district administrative system and the National Student Clearinghouse data on college registration. Residential addresses are geocoded at the census block group level to incorporate neighborhood effects. Logistic model, Two Step Least Squares, and survival analysis are applied to explore the effects of socioeconomic determinants in college enrollment, timing of enrollment and postsecondary education choices. Logistic models fail to reflect neighborhood effects across most specifications. High school grades, sex and family background have robust effects in these models. When GPA is considered endogenous to socioeconomic determinants, findings show neighborhood effects are robust and have a large impact on high school performance and college enrollment. Neighborhood educational attainment, unemployment, and income are strong predictors of enrollment and offset individual characteristics. Racial segregation is insignificant across most specifications. Evidence from survival models suggests that GPA, sex, and socioeconomic background are related to early enrollment. Students with better high school grades are more likely to enroll in 4 Year institutions and less likely to enroll in 2 Year institution, and have lower odds to enroll into For-Profit institutions. Results highlight the importance of neighborhood effects to explain educational outcomes and heterogeneous educational choices. It also stresses dynamic complementarities in education

This study compares the US and Canada on the gap in earnings between Chinese immigrants and native-born whites. Canada and the US are arguably more alike than most possible country pairings, yet they differ in significant ways in their approaches to immigration and integration. The primary difference between Canada and the US regarding immigration policy is that Canada selects a larger proportion of economic immigrants – that is, those admitted based on their ability to contribute to the economy – than the US's focus on family reunification. Canadian immigration and multicultural integration policy does not appear to improve Chinese immigrant earnings in the way that might be predicted from Canada's skilled-based immigrant selection policy and welcoming social context. In spite of a more laissez-faire approach to immigrant integration and a less skill-selective immigration policy, we show that Chinese immigrants are earning relatively more in the US than in Canada.

Much attention has been devoted to the presumed negative effect of diversity growth on various dimensions of attitudes and interaction between different racial and ethnic groups. However, whether the claims hold true is unclear- there is a considerable controversy over the impact of changing diversity on societal behavior. With ongoing migration, the United States are becoming more and more ethnically diverse but a sound debate on racial and ethnic composition and its consequences for inter-group interactions and attitudes towards others has not yet been possible due to a lack of causally-oriented panel studies. In this study, two important features are tested: on the one hand, friendships to racial or ethnic out-group members (Chapter IV), and on the other, attitudes towards these people (Chapter V). To my knowledge, this study deploys one of the first U.S. panel designs measuring diversity effect using two waves of panel data from the Portraits of American Life Survey (2006-2012). Using different measures of inter-group socializing and attitudes towards out-group members, this study explores whether changes in community diversity lead to changes in outgroup attitudes and contact across racial lines. This study distinguishes whether the contextual effects take place on the tract or city level, and whether individuals experiencing increases in diversity initially lived in low, medium or high heterogeneity. Furthermore, separate results are presented for non-Hispanic white and non-white respondents. The analysis on attitudes differentiates whether the treatment (the change rate in diversity) is due to changes in neighborhood composition for stayers and or to neighborhood changes for movers.

Low-wage workers and their supporters in New York received good news when the state enacted a new minimum wage bill in 2016. Minimums for New York City and the counties of Long Island and Westchester are now slated to be $15—and will be phased in by 2022 at the latest. The balance of New York State has annual increases scheduled for a final phase-in to $12.50 on the last day of 2020. Until rather recently, minimum wage policy and debate often left out the subminimum wage workforce that relies on tips as part of their wage. In 2016, New York could have joined the ranks of the seven states that do not allow tipped workers to be paid a sub-wage, but wound up leaving them out of the new policy. In late 2017, however, Governor Cuomo unveiled a proposal to examine how economic justice would be strengthened if the state eliminated the subminimum wage (also known as the tipped minimum wage). As a result, the NYS Department of Labor has scheduled public hearings across the state beginning in spring 2018. This brief examines the merits of such a policy for the State of New York.

We analysed the effects of late entry on the human capital of immigrant children, and investigated the channels via which age-at-migration affects the native-immigrant education gap. Ordinary-least-squares estimates could have been biased if parents factored the age of children into their migration decision. Using a sample of siblings from the 2000 US Census, we employed a family fixed-effects estimation strategy and found a negative and convex relationship between human capital and age-of-arrival. Teenage entrants' outcomes were worst affected compared to younger entrants. Language was found to be an important mediating factor via which age-of-arrival influenced education. The critical age for English proficiency was 8-10. Age-of-arrival affected education not only through language but also via heterogeneous origin country conditions. The additional privileges of birth-right citizenship, if any, were disentangled from the benefits of zero age-of-arrival for natives. Citizenship by birth provided few advantages, except for college enrollment. Results were robust to sample selection changes.

BACKGROUND Recent increases in ethno-racial diversity in the United States are paralleled by growing representation of first- and second-generation immigrants, especially among children. Socioeconomic inequalities along the lines of immigrant generation, race, and ethnicity suggest such demographic changes may result in greater disparities among recent, more-diverse cohorts of children. OBJECTIVE Describe poverty rates among US children across five immigrant generation groups, using the US government’s official poverty measure (OPM) and a supplemental poverty measure (SPM), which accounts for government transfers and costs of living. METHODS Using data from the Current Population Survey and historical SPM estimates from 1993–2016, we describe trends in child poverty, stratified by immigrant generation. We compare estimates of inter-generational differences and temporal changes based on the OPM and SPM, and we conduct stratified analyses for Hispanic and Asian children. RESULTS We find persistent differences in poverty rates between immigrant generations. First generation non-citizens and second-generation children with two foreign-born parents have consistently higher poverty rates than other generations, between which there are minimal disparities. Differences between OPM- and SPM-based estimates suggest public supports and costs of living have differential welfare effects across groups. CONTRIBUTION We provide a historical record of child poverty differentials across immigrant generations, which have been understudied. Results demonstrate heterogeneity in the economic status of first- and second-generation children, which would be masked using other immigrant-generation typologies. Differences in OPM- and SPM-based measures raise questions about inter-generational disparities in public supports and costs of living, and stratified results highlight the intersection of race, ethnicity, and nativity as axes of inequality

Background Among U.S. residents, tuberculosis (TB) disease disproportionally affects non-U.S.-born persons and varies substantially by country of birth. Yet TB disease incidence rates by country of birth are not routinely reported despite these large, known health disparities. This is in part due to the technical challenges of using standard regression analysis with a communicable disease. Here, we estimate tuberculosis disease incidence rates by country of birth and demonstrate methods for overcoming these challenges using TB surveillance data from Los Angeles County which has more than 3.5 million non-U.S.-born residents. Methods Cross-sectional data on 5,447 cases of TB disease from Los Angeles County were combined with population estimates from the American Community Survey to calculate TB disease incidence rates for 2005 through 2011. Adjusted incidence rates were modelled using Poisson and negative binomial regressions. Bayesian models were used to account for the uncertainty in population estimates. Results The unadjusted incidence rate among non-U.S.-born persons was 15 per 100,000 person-years in contrast to the rate among U.S-born persons, 2 per 100,000. The unadjusted incidence rates were 44 and 12 per 100,000 person-years among persons born in the Philippines and Mexico, respectively. In adjusted analysis, persons born in the Philippines were 2.6 (95% CI: 2.3–3.1) times as likely to be reported as a TB case than persons born in Mexico. Bayesian models showed similar results. Conclusion This study confirms substantial disparities in TB disease by country of birth in Los Angeles County. Accounting for age, gender, years in residence and year of diagnosis, persons from the Philippines, Vietnam and several other countries had much higher rates of reported TB disease than other foreign countries. We demonstrated that incidence rates by country of birth can be estimated using available data despite technical challenges.

Galveston represented the promise of the New South better than any other Gulf-side town. Connecting the state's cotton-producing hinterland to the wider Atlantic world, the island's port served as a regional marketplace for both commerce and credit and was dubbed by its own boosters the "Wall Street of the Southwest" or "the New York of the Gulf."' By 1880, the island's wharf district was crisscrossed by train tracks and dotted by warehouses, cotton press operations, and mercantile firms; the two-mile train trestle to the mainland and the well-protected deep-water port along the bayside (north shore) ensured an export capacity of a half-million cotton bales per year. This geographically small wharf was a busy one, with an average of 185 ocean-going ships clearing annually. 2 The revenue and the economic development that flowed from this sector enabled the island to declare itself, in 1891, the "wealthiest city in the world of its size."3 The accompanying promise of good jobs led to influx of migration and extraordinary demographic growth, so that between 1850 and 1880, the number . . .

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There are two main sources of funding for public transit that depend on Decennial Census populations. Rural (urban) transit funding is for areas with populations less than (more than) 50,000. Urban funding is further classified into small urban and large urban areas depending on whether the population is less than or greater than 200,000. Only rural and small urban areas can use their transit funding for operating assistance. Given funding is tied to Decennial Census populations, it is important to understand how transit funding may be impacted by changes in population from 2010 to 2020. The purpose of this research is to estimate the impacts of urbanization on rural public transit funding for Georgia. This study predicts which areas in Georgia will be reclassified from rural to urban in the 2020 Census using 2020 population projections from the Weldon Cooper Center for Public Service and the Environmental Systems Research Institute (ESRI) and data from the US Census Bureau. Three urbanization scenarios are modeled at the Census block level using a multinomial logit regression. The results suggest that the model correctly predicts 93.5 percent of the cases and most influential variables are population density and an indicator variable equal to one if the block is within the Atlanta Metropolitan Statistical Area (MSA). The mapped results indicate that outward urban growth might lead to multiple urban clusters and urbanized areas merging, especially around the Atlanta Urbanized Area. Urbanization trends in Georgia could cause at least seven counties to transition from rural transit funding to large urban transit funding. This is important, as rural areas that merge into the Atlanta area will lose operating assistance for public transit after 2020. In addition, results suggest at least thirteen counties will be eligible for a mix of rural and small urban funding.

This report describes how we used the Urban Institute’s new state-level microsimulation model, (Analysis of Transfers, Taxes, and Income Security, or ATTIS) to examine the possible effects of work requirements and certain other policy changes in the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP, formerly known as food stamps). The changes are proposed in the Agriculture and Nutrition Act of 2018 (the 2018 farm bill). This proposal to reauthorize the 2014 farm bill cleared the House Committee on Agriculture in mid-April 2018 and includes several changes to SNAP that would affect how families’ incomes are counted, how program eligibility is determined, and the work requirements placed on recipients. Many of the proposed changes are restrictions; others, such as an increase in the maximum allowable level of assets, could make some families newly eligible. (An analysis of the projected effects of the bill’s work requirement provision is presented in a separate research brief; see Acs, Wheaton, and Waxman 2018)

Groups in favor of reducing immigration often voice the concern that immigrants compete with native-born Americans for jobs, and that this competition reduces the rates at which native U.S. workers are employed. This perspective often stems from the basic economic law of supply and demand in which an increase in the supply of workers should push down wages or produce unemployment when other things are held constant. It is true that the laws of supply and demand apply to all participants in the U.S. economy; all residents, businesses, workers, and owners of capital must reckon with the market conditions where they operate. But U.S. workers are not a monolithic group, nor are U.S. businesses, consumers, or immigrants. While many immigrants have low levels of education compared to natives, some possess advanced degrees. Similarly, U.S. workers are a diverse group. Not all U.S. workers compete with immigrant labor; some are coworkers or supervisors who benefit from their presence. In reality, combinations and adjustments in the economy means that the actual impact of immigration on U.S. jobs could be negative, could be zero, or could even be positive if immigration expands new business opportunities by stimulating demand. We need to examine real-world data in order to reveal the true story about the impact of immigration on the U.S. job market.

Little evidence is available to assess the effect of substituting occupation-based income scores for individual incomes before 1940. The example of immigrant assimilation in Canada 1911-1931 reveals differences in the extent and even the direction of assimilation depending on whether income scores are used and how the occupational income score is constructed. Given the increasingly wide use of income scores, we summarize a number of procedures to address the limitations associated with the absence of individual level income variation. An adjustment of conventional income scores for either group earnings differences and/or intertemporal change using summary information for broad groups of occupations reduces the deviation between scores and actual incomes.