The purpose of this study is to identify how immigrant/first-generation teacher populations in the United States apply their cultures and identities to the education of the immigrant/first-generation students that they teach. This study also aims to analyze the specific charter school management system, Ednovate, and how its innovative mission and model have led to its high rates of student success. Culture and identity are two significant factors in a student’s educational experience, as the school system is a critical site for developing identity in children. In this study, eight members of faculty and staff from the Ednovate charter school system in Orange and Los Angeles counties were interviewed and asked to describe which parts of their immigrant experiences in the United States shaped their own educations and how these experiences and their own cultures in turn influence their respective teaching habits. With the growing number of immigrants in the United States, immigrant teachers make up a significant percentage of the teacher population and are some of the most profound influencers of a student’s sense of identity and community belonging. Culture and education are closely related, as cultural transmission occurs in classrooms and schools, and schools can be important sites of cultural structures. The results of this study demonstrate that through the use of storytelling, celebrating culture in education, and cutting-edge educational models, schools can become centers of diversity, cultural appreciation, and student success.

The 19th and 20th centuries saw a transformation in contraceptive technologies and their take up. This led to a sexual revolution, which witnessed a rise in premarital sex and out-of-wedlock births, and a decline in marriage. The impact of contraception on married and single life is analyzed here both theoretically and quantitatively. The analysis is conducted using a model where people search for partners. Upon finding one, they can choose between abstinence, marriage, and a premarital sexual relationship. The model is confronted with some stylized facts about premarital sex and marriage over the course of the 20th century. Some economic history is also presented.

Overdose deaths involving opioids have increased dramatically since the mid-1990s, leading to the worst drug overdose epidemic in U.S. history, but there is limited empirical evidence on the initial causes. In this paper, we examine the role of the 1996 introduction and marketing of OxyContin as a potential leading cause of the opioid crisis. We leverage cross-state variation in exposure to OxyContin’s introduction due to a state policy that substantially limited OxyContin’s early entry and marketing in select states. Recently-unsealed court documents involving Purdue Pharma show that state-based triplicate prescription programs posed a major obstacle to sales of OxyContin and suggest that less marketing was targeted to states with these programs. We find that OxyContin distribution was about 50% lower in “triplicate states” in the years after the launch. While triplicate states had higher rates of overdose deaths prior to 1996, this relationship flipped shortly after the launch and triplicate states saw substantially slower growth in overdose deaths, continuing even twenty years after OxyContin's introduction. Our results show that the introduction and marketing of OxyContin explain a substantial share of overdose deaths over the last two decades.

This paper looks at the labor market impacts of two frequently implemented state immigration policies that target undocumented immigrants: E-Verify and “Show Me Your Papers” (SMYP). I find that immigration reform reduces employment and hourly wages among undocumented men but has few if any benefits for the low-skilled workers with whom undocumented immigrants are most likely to compete for jobs. I also show that immigration reform has a large, negative impact on state GDP, especially in industries that rely more heavily on undocumented workers.

In 2018, Maine AllCare contracted with the Maine Center for Economic Policy (MECEP) to conduct analysis related to the costs and economic effects of a state-based universal health care system that could cover all Maine residents. This report summarizes MECEP’s findings regarding the structure, costs, and effects of a hypothetical proposal for a state-based universal system in Maine. MECEP’s findings provide a basic understanding of key factors to consider and are intended to inform Maine AllCare’s exploration of next steps related to their health care advocacy. Any effort to proceed with the development of a Maine-specific universal plan would require more detailed policy development and analysis than could be delivered within the scope of this project. Creating a single public plan that could cover all health care costs is difficult or even impossible at the state level, in part because many individuals are already covered by federally funded and administered health programs such as Medicare, the Veterans Health Administration, the Indian Health Service, and TRICARE. Others are covered by the joint federally and state-funded Medicaid program. It is unlikely that the federal government would cede its authority over these programs and their associated funding to any state government. MECEP is unaware of any current detailed proposals to enact a state-level universal system in Maine. Therefore, this report describes a hypothetical system devised by MECEP as one way to publicly-funded, universal coverage at the state level. MECEP has not endorsed the plan described in this report, but has provided analysis of the effects such a plan would have on health care and the economy in Maine...

Purpose Almost all low-income countries and many middle-income countries lack the capacity to deliver medical genetics services. We developed the MiGene Family History App (MFHA), which assists doctors with family history collection and population-level epidemiologic analysis. The MFHA was studied at St. Paul’s Hospital in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Methods A needs assessment was used to assess Ethiopian physicians’ experience with genetics services. The MFHA then collected patient data over a 6-month period. Results The majority of doctors provide genetics services, with only 16% reporting their genetics knowledge is sufficient. A total of 1699 patients from the pediatric ward (n = 367), neonatal intensive care unit (NICU) (n = 477), and antenatal clinic (n = 855) were collected using the MFHA with a 4% incidence of a MFHA-screened condition present. The incidence was 11.7% in the pediatric ward, 3% in the NICU, and 0.5% in the antenatal clinic. Heart malformations (5.5% of patients) and trisomy 21 (4.4% of patients) were the most common conditions in the pediatric ward. Conclusion Medical genetics services are needed in Ethiopia. As other countries increase their genetics capacity, the MFHA can provide fundamental genetics services and collect necessary epidemiologic data.

Over the past several decades the population living in rental housing units has consistently had net undercounts while the population living in owner-occupied housing units had net overcounts. In this Chapter the coverage differentials by tenure are analyzed and the impact of this differential on different sociodemographic groups is explored.

Children are vulnerable to environmental hazards and spend significant portions of their days at school. However, just one national-level study has examined school-level environmental inequalities (in air pollution exposures), and none have examined disparate exposures to noise pollution, even though noise impacts children's health and development. We integrated data from 2014-2015 on the locations and socio-demographics of each public school in the contiguous US (n=94,432) with road and aviation transportation noise estimates. Using bivariate and multivariate statistics, we tested for disparities in road and aviation noise exposure across schools. Among the 49,697,890 children attending contiguous US public schools, we found that those attending schools most highly exposed to road noise or aviation noise were significantly more likely to be eligible for free/reduced price meals (economically deprived), and to be Hispanic, black, or Asian/Pacific Islander (API). They were less likely to be white or of another race. In multivariate generalized estimating equations (GEEs) controlling for school district effects, we found that schools with greater proportions of Hispanic, black or API students, schools with higher enrollment, and schools serving the youngest students had significantly more road noise and greater odds of aviation noise exposure. In the GEEs, a higher proportion of economically-deprived students in schools was associated with greater road noise, but not aviation noise. Overall, our analyses indicate that America's racial/ethnic minority children bear the brunt of transportation noise exposures at school, which may unequally impact their academic performance, health, and future potential.

Sibling relationships are central to the lives of American children and, for many of them, they are the longest lasting relationships they will have in their lifetimes. Interactions with siblings often serve as training grounds for other interpersonal relationships, making them particularly important for children who may not have stable adult figures in their lives. Drawing on data from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study when children were nine and 15 years of age, this study examines how family contexts are associated with the quality of sibling relationships, how sibling relationships are related to children and youth’s behavioral trajectories, and whether positive sibling relationships are protective in terms of children’s behaviors. A secondary goal of this study was to understand the importance of sibling relationships in the context of other family relationships, such as the mother-child relationship and the father-child relationships. Finally, increases in family fluidity and complexity have led to the increase in many different types of sibling configurations in children’s homes, including half and step siblings. This study sought to understand if there were differential effects of sibling type in terms of relationship quality and its impact on children’s behavior outcomes.

As more and more people move across borders, marriage is becoming an increasingly global affair. Yet cross-national marriage (CNM) migration has not received the scholarly attention it deserves. The present study examines the characteristics and marital stability of unions between U.S. nationals and their foreign-born (FB) spouses residing in the United States. Two data sources were used in the analysis—the American Community Survey (ACS) and the Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP). Our results indicated that, after controlling for race/ethnicity, socioeconomic background and marital history, marriages between U.S. nationals and their FB spouses who entered the United States as adults were less stable than unions between two native-born (NB) spouses. Compared with non-Hispanic Whites, Asian and Hispanic U.S. nationals were more prone to marry FB spouses. We also found that husband NB–wife FB marriages seemed to fare better than wife NB–husband FB types.

This paper examines the phenomenon of uncompensated long hours in jobs with pro- social characteristics and presents evidence that long-hour wage premiums and occupational social value are substitutes in compensating salaried workers who supply hours exceeding the standard workweek. I show that the social value of an occupation, in particular the degree to which jobs involve helping or providing service to others, is inversely related to long-hour pay. Allowing for heterogeneity in the degree to which workers value their job’s helping orientation allows me to explore how gender differences in employees’ attitudes toward pro-social behavior can explain some of the observed occupational sorting trends and gender differences in long-hour compensation. Women tend to be more strongly drawn to “helping” occupations and and at the same time receive lower long-hour premiums in these jobs relative to men. I offer a theoretical framework to rationalize the empirical trends.

Any discussion of the future of work is incomplete without a close examination of the care economy, how that care is organized, and how technology has had an impact on care providers. At issue is the aging U.S. population and the growing need for care for the elderly, sick, and disabled. Care comes in the form of a patchwork system, with care provided predominantly by unpaid family caregivers, for-profit establishments, and home health aides. In fact, preliminary analysis of labor force survey data for the United States indicates that the number of home health aides has surpassed housekeepers and childcare providers among domestic workers. The growth in the number of health aides reflects the changing demographic composition of the U.S. population and the increasing need for people to provide caring labor. However, the low value assigned to care work and lack of labor law protections may prove to be a large obstacle to finding sufficient care workers in the future to meet this demand. Domestic workers in the United States earn some of the lowest wages among all occupations and experience a host of poor working conditions and labor violations. A big issue is wage theft, in which domestic workers receive wages below the minimum, have their wages withheld arbitrarily and without recourse, or are not paid overtime. Lack of formal contracts and unpredictable work schedules are also common problems. The growing importance of the “gig economy” and employers’ use of Internet-based technology to hire care workers and housekeepers has contributed to the insecure nature of domestic work, and workers without access to the Internet have been placed at a disadvantage in access to jobs. Sexual harassment, sexual abuse, and other forms of physical abuse also plague domestic workers. Their vulnerability to sexual harassment and abuse is compounded by the fact that their work takes place in the private sphere. This issue has gained increasing attention in the wake of the global Me Too movement. The United States employs a large number of domestic workers to perform care work and housecleaning. Most domestic workers are women (92%) and about one third are immigrants, which is high compared to other occupations. In New Jersey, these figures are even higher: 97% of domestic workers are women and more than half are immigrants. In response to increased advocacy around the low pay and poor working conditions faced by domestic workers, eight states to date have passed some version of a domestic worker bill of rights in which domestic workers are guaranteed the minimum wage, overtime, rest periods, paid vacation time, disability benefits, and/or protection from sexual harassment and discrimination.1 New York was the first state to pass such a bill in 2010, while New Jersey has not yet followed suit. This study uses a mixed-methods approach to examine trends in the number and characteristics of domestic workers and their employers in New Jersey. The study focuses specifically on nannies and home-based childcare providers, housekeepers, and caregivers for the elderly and individuals with disabilities. An analysis of labor force survey data is used to provide a comprehensive account of domestic worker employment and earnings in New Jersey and how the state compares with the national average. The study also uses qualitative evidence to examine the potential for worker-centered digital platforms to support, rather than marginalize, domestic workers. Finally, a regression analysis using survey data of household employers in New Jersey was conducted to examine the demand for domestic workers and the extent to which household employers are aware of labor laws governing their domestic workers. New Jersey constitutes an interesting case not only because it has one of the largest immigrant populations in the United States, but also because it has typically taken a lead in implementing progressive labor market legislation. In fact, New Jersey is often considered the “incubator state” for progressive policies that can then be scaled up. The objective of this research is to better understand how states like New Jersey can support digital-platform work in a way that advances worker-centered interests rather than contributing to further marginalization and exploitation of workers.

The signs that the climate crisis is already happening are clear. The most recent Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change report detailed the evidence from more than 6,000 studies that found that over the past decade, a series of record-breaking storms, forest fires, droughts, coral bleaching, heat waves, and floods have taken place around the world in response to the 1.0 °C of global warming that has taken place since the pre-industrial era.1 These events, and the losses associated with them, are expected to become substantially worse with 1.5 °C of warming currently targeted by global climate agreements, and far worse if these agreements are not effective. Without major cuts in greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, this warming threshold could be reached in as little as 11 years, and almost certainly within 20 years. Even if such cuts were to begin immediately, reaching this threshold would not be prevented, only delayed. Any chance of staving off even worst impacts from climate change depends on significant reductions in GHG emissions and a move from a fossil fuel-based economy to a low-carbon economic future. While this transition is fundamentally necessary, the challenges it poses are great. Every aspect of our economy and our society is dependent upon fossil fuel use – from the reliance on electricity provided by fossil fuel power plants to the tax revenue local communities receive from fossil fuel extraction and facilities to the jobs held by those working in an industry that may keep their incomes high but often puts their communities at risk. The imprint of fossil fuels is so deeply embedded within our way of life that ceasing its use will require a fundamental shift in how we procure and use energy...

Competition between immigrant and native workers takes place in labor markets that are segmented along various, often unobservable dimensions. It is desirable to measure the extent to which native workers are effectively shielded from competition by immigrant workers by virtue of such patterns of segmentation. This paper proposes measures of group differences in labor market segmentation on the basis of incomplete data, such as can be obtained from the US Census. These measures are derived from a general class of models of labor competition in the Smithian tradition. The observed wage distributions of native and foreign-born workers in the United States (at the national and metropolitan level) can be approximated remarkably well with this class of model, suggesting that a parsimonious account of wage inequality is feasible.

How did intermarriage between African Americans and European immigrants influence how European immigrants learned about race in the United States? In this study, the authors compare the lived experiences of European-born and U.S.-born white women married to U.S.-born black men in Chicago in the late 1930s. The authors find that both groups of women characterized their lives as marked by material, social, and institutional costs, and they experienced these costs as racial boundary policing, racial border patrolling, and rebound racism. The authors argue that through these experiences, European immigrant women learned about the racial hierarchy and the importance of whiteness in the United States. The authors also find that European immigrant women had differing reactions to their race learning. Younger European immigrant women strengthened their ties to white racial community, while older European wives strengthened their ties to black racial community. These findings add to immigration literature that exp...

In this paper, I analyze the effect of import competition from China on gender inequality in the US manufacturing sector. China's import competition between 1990-2007 provides a unique opportunity to explore the effect of gender inequality by a trade liberalization that hits harder on female-intensive sectors. I conduct a detailed analysis of how Chinese import competition affect employment and wage outcomes differently between men and women. I find that female workers experienced a more substantial decline in the manufacturing employment and wage in relative to their male counterparts. This gender difference by the impacts of Chinese import competition is not fully explained by gender difference in exposure to trade shock across industries. By comparing male and female manufacturing employment across education and age groups, I find the gender inequality is felt most strongly by low skilled and old women. Meanwhile, there is an increase of nonmanufacturing employment for low-skilled women which offsets their job losses in the manufacturing sector. 1

A large theoretical literature in sociology connects increasing rates of incarceration to contractions in the labor market. But evidence for the economic causes of incarceration is mixed. We use a shock to the southern agricultural labor market to study the political economy of incarceration in the U.S. South in the early twentieth century. From 1915 to 1920, a beetle called the boll weevil spread across the state of Georgia, causing cotton yields and the prevalence of tenant farming to fall. Using archival records of incarceration in Georgia, we find that the boll weevil infestation increased the rate at which African Americans were admitted to prison for property crimes. The effects for whites and for prison admissions for homicide were much smaller and not statistically significant.

Introduction: States and municipalities are increasingly restricting tobacco sales to those under age-21, in an effort to reduce youth and young adult smoking. However, the effectiveness of such policies remains unclear, particularly when implemented locally. Methods: Analyses use 2011 - 2016 data from the Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System’s Selected Metropolitan/Micropolitan Area Risk Trends dataset. Difference-in-differences and triple-difference regressions estimate the relationship between local tobacco-21 policies and smoking among 18 to 20 year-olds living in MMSAs (metropolitan/micropolitan statistical areas). Results: Current smoking rates fell from 16.5 percent in 2011 to 8.9 percent in 2016 among 18- 20 year-olds in these data. Regressions indicate that a tobacco-21 policy covering one’s entire MMSA yields an approximately 3.1 percentage point reduction in 18 to 20 year-olds’ likelihoods of smoking [CI: -0.0548, -0.0063]. Accounting for partial policy exposure — tobacco-21 laws implemented in some but not all jurisdictions within an MMSA — this estimate implies that the average exposed 18 to 20 year-old experienced a 1.2 percentage point drop in their likelihood of being a smoker at interview relative to unexposed respondents of the same age, all else equal. Conclusions: Local tobacco-21 policies yield a substantive reduction in smoking among 18 to 20 year-olds living in metropolitan and micropolitan statistical areas. This finding provides empirical support for efforts to raise the tobacco purchasing age to 21 as a means to reduce young adult smoking. Moreover, it suggests that state laws preempting local tobacco-21 policies may impede public health.

We assessed the relationship between state parental involvement (PI) laws, sexual activity and contraceptive use among White, Black, and Hispanic female adolescents. We used the 2001-2015 State Youth Risk Behavior Surveys, which are representative of high school students in 33 states, and generalized difference-indifference models to assess the association between PI laws and sexual activity, birth control pill use, and condom use, while controlling for other state reproductive health policies and state SES conditions. Our findings show that PI laws are associated with about 5 percentage points of higher pill use among White adolescents, but have no relationship with pill use among Black and Hispanic adolescents. Overall, PI laws are associated with greater Black and Hispanic disadvantage in pill use relative to White adolescents. PI laws are not significantly associated with sexual activity or with using condom as the only contraceptive method for any of the analyzed racial and ethnic groups. Our findings suggest that White teenagers are able to adjust their behaviors in the context of restrictive abortion environments, while Black and Hispanic teenagers are not. PI laws account for a substantial part of the Black-White and Hispanic-White disparities in birth control pill use.

Paid domestic and care work as a labor sector employs at least 67 million people globally (ILO, 2018) and more than one million people in the USA (IPUMS 2017, Duffy, in print). Scholarship on this topic is focused on workers with racial minority or migrant backgrounds. Despite ethnicization and racialization of household work, workers who are white working-class women citizens continue to perform domestic and care tasks for private households (ILO, 2017). In the United States, M.Duffy’s analysis revealed 49.2% participation of White non-Hispanic women, while in the sub-type of care work characterized by personal contact (nurturance) the ratio was even higher, 57.4% (2005). In a European context, employment of white citizens was strengthened by the recent economic crisis (Di Bartolomeo, Marchetti 2016; EPRS 2015). However, these workers are not studied enough, which creates a gap in what we know about the domestic sector, labor market processes and issues of class, ethnicity and race. The purpose of this working paper is to: 1. present the idea of the MajorDOM project, whose purpose is to address the above mentioned gap in research on domestic workers who are neither ethnic nor racial minorities’ members, 2. to report on the project’s activities so far, including working with activist organizations, qualitative interviews and statistical data analysis 3. formulate first thoughts and questions stemming from the research so far, which evolve around the issue of a gap or discontinuity between the racial and/or ethnic composition of household workforce, of the activist organizations, and the public perceptions of the sector.