Much of the existing research on the economic assimilation of post-1965 immigrants relative to the native born has revolved around earnings. The earnings differential is a helpful measure of inequality as it indicates the amount of resources an individual or group has for socio-economic well-being, but it still limits our complete understanding of immigrants' economic incorporation and more specifically, their labor market experiences. Added to this, assimilation is not a uniform process. I evaluate one of the key assertions of segmented assimilation theory by examining national origin patterns of labor market integration, for post-1965 Latin American and Caribbean immigrants' changes in employment status over the period 1980 to 2000. Segmented assimilation theory posits that assimilation can be downward, especially in disadvantaged contexts, conventional as in upward mobility, or partial. Using repeated cross-sections of the 5% IPUMS USA decennial Census samples of 1980, 1990 and 2000, the study assesses changes in the likelihood of being unemployed or out of the labor force as opposed to employed over the course of 1980 to 2000, for pooled cross-sections of working age immigrants relative to US non-Hispanic Whites and native minorities. Emphasis is placed on measuring the effect of national origin and duration of residence on employment status while controlling for the Census year, demographic and human capital factors. Results show that all foreign born have lower risks of nonparticipation than the native majority and native minorities over their course of US residence. Higher labor force participation, however, does not translate into higher likelihoods of full labor market integration. Differentials in labor market integration actually follow a downward assimilation pattern for foreign born Mexicans and Guatemalans/Hondurans/Nicaraguans as their risks of unemployment increase with longer US residence and are similar to native minorities of Hispanic origin. Foreign born Jamaicans' risks of unemployment also mirror those of native Hispanics, thus suggesting a propensity for downward assimilation as well. Foreign born Cubans appear most likely to assimilate conventionally as their risks of unemployment approach parity with the native majority over their duration in the US. Hence, upward and downward assimilation trajectories in labor force attachment depend on nationality.

How significant was the economic progress of African Americans in the United States between1970 and 2000? In this paper the authors examine this issue for black men 25 to 55 years of agewho live in 14 large U.S. metropolitan areas. They present evidence that significant racial disparitiesremain in education and labor market outcomes of black and white men, and they discusschanges in industrial composition, migration, and demography that might have contributed to thestagnation of economic progress of black men between 1970 and 2000. In addition, the authorsshow that there was no progress in the financial well-being of black children, relative to whitechildren, between 1970 and 2000.

How significant was the economic progress of African-Americans in the U.S. between 1970 and 2000? In this paper we examine this issue for black men 25-55 years old who live in 14 large U.S. metropolitan areas. We present the evidence that significant racial disparities remain in education and labor market outcomes of black and white men. We discuss changes in industrial composition, migration, and demographic changes that might have contributed to the stagnation of economic progress of black men between 1970 and 2000. In addition, we show that there was no progress in a financial well-being of black children, relative to white children, between 1970 and 2000.

The rights that the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) enumerates include the rights to (1) an adequate standard of living, (2) an education directed toward the development of the childs fullest potential, (3) the highest attainable standard of health, and (4) the childs own cultural identity and use of his or her own language. The CRC states that these rights shall be ensured regardless of various statuses of children, including race, ethnic origin, national origin, and language. This article presents a statistical baseline for assessing the diversity of children in the United States with regard to these statuses, presents results for statistical indicators of well-being for children distinguished by these statuses, and discusses public policies to reduce inequalities relevant to these rights.

Subjective well-being data reveal that blacks are less happy than are whites. However, much of this racial gap in happiness has closed over the past 35 years. We investigate measures of subjective well-being that indicate that the well-being of blacks has increased both absolutely and relative to whites. These changes in well-being are found across various datasets and measures of subjective well-being. However the gains in happiness are concentrated among prime-age women and those living in the south. While the opportunities and achievements of blacks have improved over this period, the happiness gains far exceed that which can be attributed to these objective improvements.

This study tests the impact of household and demographic factors on the economic well-being ofthe farm and nonfarm self-employed using data from the Integrated Public Use Microdata Series.Parametric and nonparametric techniques are used to test for statistical differences in selfemploymentand household income levels. Further, household and demographic factors aretested for their effect on self-employment income using a censored tobit regression model. Thefarm self-employed report significantly higher levels of self-employment income. Results revealthat several household and demographic factors significantly impact self-employment incomelevels for the farm and nonfarm self-employed, with key differences in impacts.

Research underscores social engagement in meaningful activities as key to health and well-being, with retirement age Americans at risk of isolation We draw on time-use data from the American Time Use Survey (2003-2006) to examine daily time spent in either paid or unpaid (volunteer) work for 5-year subgroups of American men and women ages 40-70. Some college education and low non-self earned income predict continued employment for older adults, as does being white. Having children still at home and/or caring for an aging relative reduces time spent in paid work for men and women in their 40s, and for women in their 50s. Volunteering predicts less time spent in employment for men in their 40s and 60s, and for women in their 40s and later 50s. Time spent in paid and volunteer work has increased for older Americans from 2003 to 2006. Health (2006 only) predicts more time in volunteering and employment.

Children must rely on adults to provide the economic and human resources essential to assure their well-being and development, because it is the adults in their families, communities, and the halls of government who determine the nature and magnitude of resources that reach children (e.g., Bronfenbrenner, 1979; Haveman & Wolfe, 1994). In view of this dependence of children on adults, this chapter has three main goals. The first is to portray the extent to which children in the United States and other selected rich countries experience limited access to economic resources, compared to the adults in each country. The second is to focus on key family circumstances of children which reflect human resources available in the home and which influence the level of economic resources that parents have available to provide for their children. The third is to draw attention to differences among the race, ethnic, and immigrant groups that are leading the demographic transformation of rich countries around the world.

A large literature in sociology concerns the implications of immigrants participation in ethnicenclaves for their economic and social well-being. In particular, the enclave thesis speculatesthat immigrants benefit from working in ethnic enclaves. Previous research concerning theeffects of enclave participation for immigrants economic outcomes has come to mixedconclusions as to whether enclave effects are positive or negative. In this paper, we seek toextend and improve upon previous work by formulating testable hypotheses based on the enclavethesis and testing them with data from the 2003 New Immigrant Survey, employing bothresidence-based and workplace-based measures of the ethnic enclave. We examine the economicoutcomes of immigrants working in ethnic enclaves as compared to those working in themainstream economy. Our research yields minimal support for the enclave thesis. Our resultsfurther indicate that for some immigrant groups, ethnic enclave participation actually has anegative effect on economic outcomes.

The goal of federal food and nutrition programs in the United States is to improve the nutritional well-being and health of low income families. A large body of literature evaluates the extent to which the Supplemental Program for Women Infants and Children (WIC) has accomplished this goal, but most studies have been based on research designs that compare program participants to non-participants. If selection into these programs is non-random then such comparisons will lead to biased estimates of the programs true effects. In this study we use the rollout of the WIC program across counties to estimate the impact of the program on infant health. We find that the implementation of WIC lead to an increase in average birthweight and a decrease in the fraction of births that are classified as low birthweight. We find no evidence that these estimates are driven by changes in fertility. Back-of-the-envelope calculations suggest that the initiation of WIC lead to a ten percent increase in the birthweight of infants born to participating mothers.

This paper explores the many avenues by which schooling affects lifetime well-being. Experiences and skills acquired in school reverberate throughout life, not just through higher earnings. Schooling also affects the degree one enjoys work and the likelihood of being unemployed. It leads individuals to make better decisions about health, marriage, and parenting. It also improves patience, making individuals more goal-oriented and less likely to engage in risky behavior. Schooling improves trust and social interaction, and may offer substantial consumption value to some students. We discuss various mechanisms to explain how these relationships may occur independent of wealth effects, and present evidence that non-pecuniary returns to schooling are at least as large as pecuniary ones. Ironically, one explanation why some early school leavers miss out on these high returns is that they lack the very same decision making skills that more schooling would help improve.

Many young people in the District of Columbia are failing to make a successful transition to adulthood. Their challenges include poor preparation for the high-skills labor market and long-standing health problems. Recent District government efforts have centered around school reform and early childhood, but these areas are not sufficient to improve the well-being of older youth. This report provides comprehensive data indicators and analysis on the state of older youth (age 12-24) in the District and examines the role of area nonprofits that work with young people, their families, and neighborhoods. The data presented here include the following: (1) Indicators showing current conditions and trends for District of Columbia older youth in economic well-being, health, education, risky behavior, and positive extracurricular activities; (2) District youth perspectives and experiences gathered from focus groups that help illustrate the data indicators and inform when quantitative data are lacking; and (3) Profiles from local community-based youth development organizations about their activities and scope. The data in this report are loosely organized based on the District's Interagency Collaboration and Services Integration Commission's (ICSIC's) six citywide goals for children and youth. The databook begins with the demographics of teenagers and young adults in the District. Whenever possible, teenagers, age 12 to 17, and young adults, age 18 to 24, are analyzed separately. Next, four sections based on the ICSIC goals are presented: (1) Teenagers and Young Adults Live in Healthy, Stable, and Supportive Families; (2) Teenagers and Young Adults Succeed in School; (3) Teenagers and Young Adults Are Healthy and Practice Healthy Behaviors; and (4) Teenagers and Young Adults Are Engaged in Meaningful Activities. The first ICSIC goal, Children Are Ready for School, pertains to early education and does not apply to teenagers and young adults, so it is not included in this databook. The sixth goal, Youth Make a Successful Transition to Adulthood, is not treated as a separate goal in this databook as we weave information about young adults age 18 to 24 throughout the report. Appended to this report are 14 organization profiles. (Contains 8 maps, 27 figures, and 1 figure.) [This report was prepared for the World Bank Group by the Urban Institute and DC Alliance of Youth Advocates.]

Economists with a few exceptions have automatically assumed that the important measure of well-being is income. In contrast, economic historians have broadened the measure of well-being with particular interest in mortality, morbidity, nutrition, education and leisure. When one takes this broader view of the standard of living, there appears to be a strong trend toward more equality in the distribution of well-being since the industrial revolution. Gini coefficients calculated for the distributions of lifespan and educational attainment have declined dramatically since the mid-nineteenth century for the United States. Mortality and educational differentials have also declined. Inequality of leisure time and consumption, though not as consistently measured, also show trends toward equality over the twentieth century. These trends toward equality in well-being as measured by indicators other than income and wealth seem to be generated by provision of public goods, natural boundaries to lifespan, educational attainment and leisure, and by the growth in mean per capita income. The divergent trends in the distributions of income and the other measures of well-being caution against reliance on the distribution of income to interpret trends in inequality.

A large literature has documented a significant increase in the difference betweenthe wage of college graduates and high school graduates over the past 30 years. I show that from1980 to 2000, college graduates have experienced relatively larger increases in cost of living, becausethey have increasingly concentrated in metropolitan areas that are characterized by a high cost ofhousing. When I deflate nominal wages using a new CPI that allows for changes in the cost ofhousing to vary across metropolitan areas, I find that the difference between the wage of collegegraduates and high school graduates is lower in real terms than in nominal terms and has grownless. At least 22% of the documented increase in college premium is accounted for by differencesin the cost of living. The implications of this finding for changes in well-being inequality dependon why college graduates sort into expensive cities. Using a simple general equilibrium model ofthe labor and housing markets, I consider two alternative explanations. First, it is possible thatthe relative supply of college graduates increases in expensive cities because college graduates areincreasingly attracted by amenities located in those cities. In this case, the higher cost of housingreflects consumption of desirable local amenities, and there may still be a significant increase inwell-being inequality even if the increase in real wage inequality is limited. Alternatively, it ispossible that the relative demand for college graduates increases in expensive cities due to shiftsin the relative productivity of skilled labor. In this case, the relative increase in skilled workersstandard of living is offset by the higher cost of living. The evidence indicates that changes in thegeographical location of different skill groups are mostly driven by changes in their relative demand.I conclude that the increase in well-being disparities between 1980 and 2000 is smaller than theincrease in nominal wage disparities that has been the focus of the previous literature.

Since the 1990s, there has been increasing policy interest in the role grandparents play in raising and providing care for their children. Family structure is particularly relevant for the well-being of individuals in co-residential families. We use data from the 2000 and 2007 American Community Survey to (1) enumerate and describe family structure diversity within co-residential grandparent-grandchild households; (2) identify which grandparents take primary responsibility for their grandchildren and how this varies by family structure; and (3) employ multivariate methods to investigate the link between family structure and well-being for grandchildren living with their grandparents.

Understanding the health and well-being of Asian American and Pacific Islander women involves discussion of many complex and contextual issues. This chapter reviews the demographics, health status, and health behaviors of Asian American and Pacific Islander women, as well as three important contextual factors: health access, immigration, and acculturation. These factors are then combined in discussions of two cross-cutting issues: violence against women and reproductive health and rights. The chapter ends with recommendations to promote the future health and well-being of Asian American and Pacific Islander women.