Steady increases in womens labor force participation over the past half century have occurred alongside the ratcheting up of expectations for intensive parenting. We know little about how mothers fare in the context of dual devotions to work and parenting. Using a new module in the 2010 and 2012 American Time Use Surveys, we assess mothers subjective well-being in parenting in the context of her and her partners work arrangements. Preliminary results suggest that compared to non-working mothers, working mothers do less of the desirable parenting tasks like play and more of that which is less desirable. This differential may explain working mothers lower happiness and higher stress and fatigue in parenting.Further, mothers working full-time while theirpartners work less than full time report less happiness, more stress, and more fatigue inparenting than those with other workarrangements, even full-time working mothers withfull-time working partners.

There are persistent differences in self-reported subjective well-being across the United States, and, in particular, the residents of declining cities report less happiness than other Americans. Although this unhappiness is at least as strong among new residents of such places as long-term residents, some people continue to move to these areas. These areas also seem to have been less happy historically during the era in which these now-declining cities prospered. These patterns are compatible with the view that individuals do not aim to maximize self-reported well-being, or happiness, and that subjective well-being is better viewed as only one part of the utility function. In the past the residents of now declining places were compensated financially for their unhappiness, but it is less clear what draws migrants to these unhappy places today.

No therapies are known to substantially alter the course of dementia and associated treatment costs. However, enhanced support services for caregivers for people with dementia have been shown to improve caregivers' capabilities and well-being and delay patients' institutionalization. Using a model that simulated disease progression, place of residence, and costs of care, we estimated the economic impact to Minnesota from offering the New York University Caregiver Intervention (NYUCI), an enhanced support services program for adult caregivers of community-dwelling people with dementia. We estimated the impact of the NYUCI on: 1. the potential healthcare savings to all eligible people in the state, assuming all current and future caregivers participate in the NYUCI from 2010 to 2025; 2. the net healthcare cost savings, inclusive of program costs, to eligible caregivers, assuming three less-than-complete levels of participation in the NYUCI from 2010 to 2025 (5% of all caregivers, 10% and 30%); 3. the potential indirect cost savings to all eligible people in the state, assuming all current and future caregivers participate in the NYUCI from 2010 to 2025. Results indicate that approximately 5 percent more people with dementia would remain in the community from year 3 (2013) on, and that 19.3 percent fewer people with dementia would die in institutions over fifteen years. During those years, Minnesota could potentially save as much as $1.24 billion ($996 million in discounted dollars) in direct healthcare costs. The estimated savings in net healthcare costs during those years, including all program costs except for program marketing, were $61.8 million, $103.7 million, and $250.6 million, assuming 5, 10, and 30% of caregivers participate in the NYUCI, respectively. Estimated potential indirect cost savings are also substantial, well exceeding the estimated direct healthcare cost savings. These findings suggest that broader access to enhanced caregiver supports is a promising way to moderate the growing economic burden of dementia. Substantial long-term savings are possible even without a breakthrough in the pharmacologic treatment of the disease. These direct healthcare cost savings would benefit taxpayers (through reduced expenditures for the Medicaid program) and people with dementia and their families, who largely pay the medical and facility fees for those in residential care settings. Other payers who would benefit include the Medicare program, commercial health plans and long term care insurers, to the extent that they fund these formal care services. The substantial indirect cost savings with enhanced support services would benefit caregivers and likely their employers through improved quality of life and increased productivity. Enhanced support services programs for dementia caregivers, such as the NYUCI, are cost-effective ways to manage dementia while researchers continue to seek effective treatments for the disease.

Elderly individuals exhibit wide disparities in their sources of income. For those in the bottom half of the income distribution, Social Security is the most important source of support; program changes would directly affect their well-being. Income from private pensions, assets, and earnings are relatively more important for higher-income elderly individuals, who have more diverse income sources. The trend from private sector defined benefit to defined contribution pension plans has shifted responsibility for retirement security to individuals. A significant subset of the population is unlikely to be able to sustain their standard of living in retirement without higher pre-retirement saving.

Disparities in health status, health behaviors, and health care access on the basis of sexual orientation have been largely ignored by researchers until recently. Literature reviews in public health, medicine, and nursing note a dearth of studies related to lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) population and report a disproportionate focus on HIV/AIDS and other sexually transmitted diseases (Bohmer, 2002; Snyder, 2011; Johnson, Smyer, & Yucha, 2012). Meanwhile, inequities in health are on the basis of sexual orientation were recently recognized by health policy makers as a public health priority and targeted for elimination (Institute of medicine, 2011). For example, Healthy People 2020 goals, set by the U.S. federal government to monitor improvements in population health, now include improving "the health, safety, and well-being of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) individuals" (United States Department of Health and Human Services)

The share of the U.S. population over the age of 65 was 8.1 percent in 1950, 12.4 percent in 2000, and is projected to reach 20.9 percent by 2050. The percent over 85 is projected to more than double from current levels, reaching 4.2 percent by mid-century. The aging of the U.S. population makes issues of retirement security increasingly important.Elderly individuals exhibit wide disparities in their sources of income. For those in the bottom half of the income distribution, Social Security is the most important source of support; program changes would directly affect their well-being. Income from private pensions, assets, and earnings are relatively more important for higher-income elderly individuals, who have more diverse income sources. The trend from private sector defined benefit to defined contribution pension plans has shifted a greater share of the responsibility for retirement security to individuals, and made that security more dependent on choices they make. A significant subset of the population is unlikely to be able to sustain their standard of living in retirement without higher pre-retirement saving.

This chapter provides a parsimonious overview of the trends in various well-being dimensions covered in the previous chapters by constructing a composite index of well-being. It discusses the crucial problem of choosing a set of weights to calculate such a composite index. Related problems include normalisation of individual indices and dealing with missing observations. The chapter discusses the advantages of various options, and their implications for the final results. It finds that empirically a wide range of aggregation methods generate comparable results. They all indicate that progress in well-being was commonplace since the early 20th century, with the possible exception of Sub-Saharan Africa. It is also found that since the 1970s between-country inequality in composite well-being is lower than in GDP per capita, while being more pronounced in the period before.

Executive Summary Policies and programs aimed at increasing educational and economic opportunities typically target either low-income children or their mothers, but not both, which limits their impact in fostering intergenerational mobility. This insight undergirds the development and implementation of dual-generation strategies, which focus simultaneously on both children and mothers to foster long-term learning and economic success for low-income families. The results in this report highlight the need for dual-generation strategies, based on the first-ever analysis of 13 economic, education, and health indicators for children whose mothers have not graduated from high school, compared to children whose mothers have higher levels of education. The enormous disparities in well-being identified here point toward the value and need for comprehensive dual-generation strategies that offer high-quality PreK-3 rd education for children, effective job training for parents that leads directly to well-paid work, and additional public services-such as health, nutrition, food, and housing-which enable low-income families to overcome barriers to success. There already exist a wide range of policies and programs that could be coordinated and integrated to create dual-generation strategies. But a major step forward will require more flexible, integrated, and supportive federal, state, and local policy structures. One in every eight children in the U.S. (12 percent) lives with a mother who has not graduated from high school. These children experience especially large disparities compared to children whose mothers have a bachelor degree. Key findings include the following: Family Economic Resources Disparities separating children whose (1) mothers had not graduated from high school, compared to those whose (2) mothers had a bachelor degree were, respectively: • 53 vs. 4 percent for the official federal poverty rate • 84 vs. 13 percent for the low-income rate (that is, family income below twice the official federal poverty threshold) • $25,000 vs. $106,500 for median family income • 48 vs. 11 percent for the rate of not having a securely employed parent in the home (that is, not having a parent who works full-time year-around)

The indicators section of the 2014 World Family Map report provides information on 16 indicators of family well-being in four areas—family structure, family socioeconomics, family process, and family culture—across 49 countries, representing a majority of the world’s population. The indicators section is an update to the 2013 World Family Map report. With the exception of two parent-child communication indicators in the family culture section, we used the same indicators as the 2013 report. This report is updated with new data, as available, and includes an additional four countries in sub-Saharan Africa.

This study examines linkages between parental work arrangements and mothers subjective wellbeing, asking how mothers market work, the presence of a partner or spouse, and partners work patterns predict subjective well-being while caring for children. Further, it examines potential mediators of these linkages. In doing so, we contribute to the literature on parental employment and parenting by shedding light on contextual features that influence the moment-to-moment interactions between mothers and their children. We find that mothers long work hours are linked to more fatigue in time with children. Additionally, fathers non-employment and long work hours are associated with reductions in maternal well-being while parenting. Not having a partner was strongly associated with mothers subjective well-being in parenting; single mothers were consistently less happy and more sad and stressed in their time with children than were partnered mothers. Finally, looking at a broad range of activities with children, we find that the type of activity matters for subjective well-being in time with kids; playing and socializing are associated with improved well-being, while cleaning and market work are associated with reduced well-being. Most of the parenting activities we assessed, however, reveal the mixed bag of parentingit is meaningful but also stressful. These findings show the value of considering momentary assessments of well-being across a multidimensional set of indicators.

By capturing the actual costs associated with meeting basic needs, a new tool can measure the economic security of grandparents raising grandchildren. In 2011, 7 million U.S. grandparent heads of households had a grandchild living with them. Approximately 3 million had primary responsibility for meeting their grandchildren's basic needs. In New England alone, 237,000 grandparents had grandchildren living with them, and 77,000 were the primary caregivers.[1] But grandparents over 65 often face financial challenges supporting an additional dependent on a retirement income without financial help from the child's parents. Financial hardships can have an impact on the emotional, mental, and physical well-being of both grandparent and grandchildren.[2] Nationally, more than one in four grandparent caregivers lives in overcrowded conditions, more than one in six pays over half their income in rent, and 60 percent who qualify for rent subsidies do not receive any.[3] As for the grandchildren, although 48 percent of those living with grandparents experience some food insecurity, only about 43 percent receive food stamps.

Globally, the twenty-fi rst century has witnessed tremendous progress in the application of demographic methods to the study of labor force dynamics. Changes in population structure have also led to changes in labor force trends, sizes, and compositions both in the African continent and in the other regions of the world. Ruzicka (1973) wrote that the growth in the labor force sizes, together with changes in labor force age-sex structure, is closely linked with the demographic characteristics of population in any country. Changing dynamics and patterns of labor force participation in Africa, including changing demographic structures, are a source of concern for the present and future sizes and structures of the labor force in the continent. Population characteristics such as age structure, age-sex composition, population’s socioeconomic characteristics-educational attainments, population well-being, nutritional status, and so on-have enormous infl uence on labor force sizes, structures, and levels. Other important issues, such as changes relating to transition to prime age, quantum and proportion, female labor force, women as primary breadwinners, underage labor, elderly labor, and disruptions to prime ages (because of HIV/AIDS and migration), have great implications for the labor force sizes and structures.

The negative outcomes of the Great Recession have been multifaceted, affecting many areas of family economic well-being. The U.S. economy lost 8.7 million jobs between December 2007 and January 2010. Although the recession officially ended in June 2009, the national unemployment rate remains approximately 1.5 percentage points higher than the pre-recession rate, even though the total number of of jobs lost during the recession has been recovered. Similarly, long-term unemployment is prevalent, with length of unemployment averaging 37.1 weeks. Furthermore, involuntary part-time work increased during the recession and has remained relatively constant. These statistics translate into continued hardship for many Americans, exemplified in the decline in median household income since the onset of the Great Recession.

No therapies are known to substantially alter the course of dementia and associated treatment costs. However, enhanced support services for caregivers of people with dementia have been shown to improve caregivers’ capabilities and well-being and delay patients’ institutionalization. Using a model that simulated disease progression, place of residence, and direct costs of care, we estimated the potential savings to Minnesota from offering the New York University Caregiver Intervention, a program of enhanced support services for spouse and adult child caregivers of community-dwelling people with dementia, to all eligible people in the state from 2010 to 2025. Results indicate that approximately 5 percent more people with dementia would remain in the community from year 3 (2013) on and that 19.3 percent fewer people with dementia would die in institutions over fifteen years. During those years Minnesota could save $996 million in direct care costs (with a range of nearly $100 million to $2.64 billion under worst- and best-case scenarios, respectively). These findings suggest that broader access to enhanced caregiver supports could produce a positive return on investment or be cost-effective—assuming widespread implementation, reasonable program costs, and substantial caregiver participation.

Good morning, Chairman Robert Menendez (D-NJ), Ranking Member Jim Moran(D-VA), and members of the committee. My name is Julia Gordon, and I direct the Housing Finance team at the Center for American Progress, a nonpartisan think tank dedicated to improving the lives of Americans through progressive ideas and action. Thank you so much for convening this hearing on the critical topic of inequality and opportunity in the housing market. I greatly appreciate the opportunity to testify today about the state of our housing recovery and its relationship to the well-being of families and the broader economy.

BACKGROUNDMen's ability to fill the provider role remains a consistent requirement for marriage across the class spectrum and cross-nationally. Fiscal concerns appear less salient for transitions to parenthood or to informal unions such as cohabitation.OBJECTIVEThis paper evaluates whether marital expectations and marital transitions of new mothers are associated with the economic characteristics of father.METHODSAnalyses are based on observed and imputed data on fathers from the first two waves of the Fragile Families and Child Well-Being Study. Logistic regression models assess factors predicting mothers initial expectations of marrying their baby's father, and transitions into marital unions by the second interview.RESULTSMost women expect to marry their baby's father, although estimates are lower when men's data are repaired by imputation. Multivariate analyses find mother's marital expectations are most strongly associated with men's educational attainment, but not with men's earnings at the child's birth. Transitions to marriage are positively associated with men's earnings levels, although estimates are considerably lower than previously reported thresholds. Furthermore, the odds of marrying do not increase monotonically as men's income level rises once missing data are imputed.

Climate variability is an inherent characteristic of the Earth's climate, including but not limited to climate change. It affects and impacts human society in different ways, depending on the underlying socioeconomic vulnerability of specific places, social groups, households and individuals. This differential vulnerability presents spatial and temporal variations, and is rooted in historical patterns of development and relations between human and ecological systems. This study aims to assess the impact of climate variability on livelihoods and well-being, as well as their changes over time and across space, and for rural and urban populations. The geographic focus is Southern Brazil-the states of Parana, Santa Catarina and Rio Grande do Sul-- and the objectives include (a) to identify and map critical areas or hotspots of exposure to climate variability (temperature and precipitation), and (b) to identify internal variation or differential vulnerability within these areas and its evolution over time (1980-2010), using newly available integrated data from the Terra Populus project. These data include geo-referenced climate and agricultural data, and data describing demographic and socioeconomic characteristics of individuals, households and places.

Research on family structure and child well-being rarely includes children in same sex parent families, a notable omission since 28% of lesbian couple households contain children. Using the 2010-2013 pooled Current Population Survey, we examined children's economic well-being by family structure. These data were ideal for this study because they included a sizable number of children in same-sex cohabiting families and the CPS measured both official and supplemental poverty, incorporating the cohabiting partner. Using the official poverty measure, children in cohabiting mother families were more likely to be poor than their counterparts in either the other cohabiting (two biological parent or stepparent) or married parent families. Yet, using the supplemental poverty measure, these children were no longer worse off and did not differ from children in different-sex two parent families, indicating that partner contribution vary considerable by family structure.

The well-being of women is integral to the economic vitality and overall health of Utah. Nearly one million women live in the state; when they thrive, so do their families and communities. Initiatives in Utah to strengthen women's overall well-being must address complex realities. On the one hand, Utah's women have made significant progress in recent decades. They are active in the workforce, make important economic contributions to their families and communities, have experienced a narrowing of the gender wage gap, and are more likely to have a college degree than two decades ago. On the other hand, Utah's women face persistent challenges. They continue to earn less than men-even when their educational levels are higher. They are also more likely than men to be poor and to experience intimate partner violence. In addition, women in Utah, as in the United States overall, are underrepresented in political leadership and face racial and ethnic disparities. 1 These challenges must be addressed for the state as a whole to thrive. This briefing paper provides an overview of how women in Utah fare in key dimensions of their lives: earnings, education, and economic security; physical and emotional health and safety; and political leadership and participation. While it lies beyond the scope of the paper to address other key aspects of women's overall well-being-such as faith and spirituality, family and friendships, civic and community involvement, and sports and fitness-the data provided here identify important areas of progress and challenges for Utah women and suggest policy directions that would benefit the state as a whole. Utah Women and Work: Strong Labor Force Participation, Large Gender Wage Gap Women have made great strides in Utah's workforce in recent decades. Although women's labor force participation rate did not increase between 1995 (when it was 61.2 percent; IWPR 1998) and 2012 (when it was 61.6 percent; Appendix Table A), the population and workforce of Utah have become more educated and more likely to work in professional and managerial occupations (IWPR 1998; Appendix Table A). On the whole, women's labor force participation in Utah is relatively strong: Utah ranks 17 th in the nation for its female labor force participation rate and has a higher share of women in the workforce than the nation overall (58.8 percent). Like the nation as a whole, however, women's labor force participation rate in Utah is much lower than men's (76.1 percent; Appendix Table A). In Utah, as in all states in the nation, women who work full-time, year-round earn less than men. In 2012, median annual earnings for Utah women were $33,100 compared with $48,000 for men (Appendix Table A). Among the largest racial and ethnic groups, earnings vary considerably. Non-Hispanic white women and men in 2009-2011 had the highest median earnings ($32,525 for women and $48,787 for men), followed by non-Hispanic minority women and men ($28,298 for women and $34,105 for men). Hispanic women and men had the lowest median earnings ($23,276 and $29,000; Appendix Table B and IWPR 2014a).

There are persistent differences in self-reported subjective well-being across U.S. metropolitan areas, and residents of declining cities appear less happy than other Americans. Newer residents of these cities appear to be as unhappy as longer term residents, and yet some people continue to move to these areas. While the historical data on happiness are limited, the available facts suggest that cities that are now declining were also unhappy in their more prosperous past. One interpretation of these facts is that individuals do not aim to maximize self-reported well-being, or happiness, as measured in surveys, and they willingly endure less happiness in exchange for higher incomes or lower housing costs. In this view, subjective well-being is better viewed as one of many arguments of the utility function, rather than the utility function itself, and individuals make trade-offs among competing objectives, including but not limited to happiness.