This paper investigates using multiple datasets (e.g., the CPS and NSAL) whether the increasing presence of foreign born blacks and their native-born children are obscuring summary estimates of the progress made by third generation and higher African Americans. Three measures of "black" were created, (1) a third generation and higher blacks, excluding foreign born blacks, (2) a foreign born black community including first and second generation blacks, and (3) a black-alone group, which included foreign born blacks and third generation and higher blacks. Four estimates of progress were analyzed including percent of high school and college completion, labor force participation rates, the percentage of children living with single mothers, and self-reported arrest rates. It was hypothesized that a summary measure that collapses all blacks into one category-the black-alone group-will not accurately assess the well-being of American blacks, the community of foreign born blacks, and third generation and higher blacks. The analyses generated four findings: First, there are significant gender differences between the foreign born community and third generation and higher blacks. Second, the results revealed that there are substantial differences between the black foreign born community and third generation and higher . . .

U.S. Army doctrine requires that commanders understand, visualize, and describe the infrastructure component of the Joint Operating Environment to accomplish the Armys missions of protecting, restoring, and developing infrastructure. The functionality of modern cities relies heavily on interdependent infrastructure systems such as those for water, power, and transportation. Disruptions often propagate within and across physical infrastructure networks and result in catastrophic consequences. The reaction of communities to disasters may further transfer and aggravate the burden and facilitate cascading secondary disruptions. Hence, a holistic analysis framework that integrates infrastructure interdependencies and community behaviors is needed to evaluate vulnerability to disruptions and to assess the impact of a disaster. The research for Human-Infrastructure System Assessment (HISA) for Military Operations adopts the Capability Approach (CA) to measure and predict the impact of potential infrastructural interdictions on the City of Maiduguri, Borno State, Nigeria. With the CA, 10 capabilities are identified to describe the well-being levels of Maiduguri. To quantify these 10 capabilities, 16 indicators were chosen to represent them. These indicator justifications provide the rationale for choosing the indicators for the corresponding capabilities and predictive modeling. Developing probabilistic predictive models of the indicators (or their indices) allows analysis of social well-being in relationship to cascading infrastructure failure.

Little is known about couples' shared time and how actual time spent together is associated with well-being. In this study, the authors investigated how work and family demands are related to couples' shared time (total and exclusive) and individual well-being (happiness, meaningfulness, and stress) when with one's spouse. They used individual-level data from the 20032010 American Time Use Survey (N = 46,883), including the 2010 Well-Being Module. The results indicated that individuals in full-time working dual-earner couples spend similar amounts of time together as individuals in traditional breadwinnerhomemaker arrangements on weekdays after accounting for daily work demands. The findings also show that parents share significantly less total and exclusive spousal time together than nonparents, though there is considerable variation among parents by age of the youngest child. Of significance is that individuals experience greater happiness and meaning and less stress during time spent with a spouse opposed to time spent apart.

Cohabitating unions have become increasingly common in American society as has parenthood among cohabiting couples. Several studies have considered differences in the quality and nature of married and cohabiting relationships with much evidence showing that cohabitors have lower relationship quality than married individuals. Extending this literature in light of recent evidence that marriage and cohabitation exert similar effects on individual well-being, we use the American Time Use Survey (2003-2014) to investigate whether married and cohabiting individuals differ in the time they spend with a partner, variation by parenthood, and the effects of shared time on well-being. Preliminary findings indicate that among non-parents married individuals spend more time with a spouse than cohabiting individuals. While married parents spend more time together overall than cohabiting parents, cohabiters spend more time alone together and less time with a partner and children. Next steps will leverage unique new data to examine differences in well-being.

In this article, we present analyses of the roles of education and occupation in shaping trends in income inequality among college-educated workers in the United States, drawing data from two sources: (1) the 19602000 U.S. Censuses and (2) the 20062008 three-year American Community Survey. We also examine in detail historical trends in between-occupation and within-occupation income inequality for a small set of high-status professionals, with focused attention on the economic well-being of scientists. Our research yields four findings. First, education premiums have increased. Second, between-occupation and within-occupation inequality increased at about the same rates for college graduates, so that the portion of inequality attributable to occupational differences remained constant. Third, scientists have lost ground relative to other similarly educated professionals. Fourth, trends in within-occupation inequality vary by occupation and education, making any sweeping summary of the roles of education and occupation in the overall increase in income inequality difficult.

Social and economic mobility has long been the cornerstone of American economic democracy - “The American Dream.” Although many suspect mobility in the U.S. is historically low, there are little data to test whether social mobility is low or has, indeed, declined. This Roundtable will present four data projects that create data to examine the changes in socio-economic mobility over time and space. Participants in this Roundtable will demonstrate the importance of their data in evaluating policies that impact socio-economic mobility over time and changes in the well-being of American families. Current and previous APPAM Presidents have stressed that the big data revolution – facilitating analysis of large-scale data sets drawn from administrative records or linked records from multiple sources -- will form the future of evidence-based policymaking. The creation of these integrated data sources will also provide essential input for the new Commission on Evidence-Based Policymaking. The purpose of the Commission is to evaluate survey and administrative sources to “...facilitate program evaluation, continuous improvement, policy-relevant research, and cost-benefit analyses by qualified researchers and institutions.” The four data projects include: The American Opportunity Study (AOS), which will locate individual records in the 1990 long form census and then track the same individuals into the 2000-2010 decennial censuses, the American Community Surveys (ACS), and ultimately future decennial censuses and American Community Surveys. The Census Bureau’s CLIP (Census Longitudinal Infrastructure Project), which creates a longitudinal data set by linking the 2000 and 2010 Census to later ACS data, other survey data, and administrative data, with plans to link the 1940 Census. The Longitudinal, Intergenerational Family Electronic Micro-Database (LIFE-M), which uses vital records linked to Census data to describe the intergenerational transmission of socio-economic inequality for the first two thirds of the 20th century (before the PSID begins). The Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID), which has been the cornerstone survey used to evaluate socio-economic mobility (using income, earnings, education, or occupation), following the same families since 1968, their offspring and split-offs. The Roundtable consists of Timothy Smeeding, Lee Rainwater Distinguished Professor of Public Affairs and Economics at the University of Wisconsin, Madison and one of the founders of the AOS; Martha Bailey, Associate Professor of Economics and Research Associate Professor at the Population Studies Center at the University of Michigan and PI for LIFE-M; Amy O’Hara, Chief of the Center for Administrative Records Research and Applications at the US Census Bureau; David Johnson, the Deputy Director of the PSID and Research Professor at the University of Michigan. Bruce Meyer, McCormick Foundation Professor at Chicago Harris School, who has been actively involved in the development of the Commission on Evidence-Based Policymaking, will moderate the session. Together, these innovative data products, along with survey data, will provide researchers and policy makers a resource of unparalleled statistical power; an opportunity for causal research on an exceptional scale; and a source of data for a wide variety of problems unprecedented in the social and behavioral sciences.

BACKGROUND Time shared with a partner is an indicator of marital well-being and couples wants to spend time together. However, time with a partner depends on work and family arrangements as well as the policies, norms and values that prevail in society. Contrary to time spent with children, couples shared time in cross-national context is relatively unstudied. Previous studies from specific countries show that dual-earner couples spend less time together and that parents spend less time alone together. OBJECTIVE The aim of our study is to investigate partnered parents' shared time across countries to understand how social conditions, cultural norms and policy contexts are related to the amount and nature of couples shared time. Specifically, we compare time with a partner in the US, France and Spain. METHODS We use data from the Multinational Time Use Study, a harmonized collection of time diary data that includes information on individuals daily activities and sociodemographic characteristics. We leverage information about with whom activities are done to examine three types of time shared with a partner: total time with a partner indicates the minutes per day spent in the presence of a partner; exclusive time corresponds to the minutes per day spent alone with a partner when no one else is present; and family time indicates the minutes per day spent with a partner and a child at the same time. RESULTS Our results show that American couples spend the least time together and Spanish couples spend the most time together. Parents in France spend the most time alone together. The most striking difference across countries is in time with a partner and children, which is much higher among Spanish families. CONCLUSION Paid work constraints explain a small part of the differences in couples shared time that we observe between countries. Differences in couples shared time across countries seem to be related to social norms surrounding family and general time use.

Although many theoretical arguments have been made linking racism to high mortality and lower life expectancy among African Americans, studies to date have been unable to measure racism directly to determine the strength of the its effect on health and well-being. Here we take advantage of a new internet-based method to measure interstate variation in anti-black sentiment and connect it to cross-state variation in mortality and life expectancy. Estimates of a structural equations model indicate that racism: increases the rate of black homicide through the intervening variable of racial segregation; raises infant mortality through the intervening variable of low birth weight; and increases mortality from diabetes and heart disease through the intervening variable of obesity. Excess deaths from infant mortality, diabetes, and heart disease in turn act to lower black life expectancy, and racism has a direct effect in reducing black life chances as well. Varying the level of racism from its lowest to highest observed level across states is sufficient to shift black life expectancy by an estimated 3.9 years.

The shift to more time-intensive and child-centered parenting in the United States is widely assumed to be positively linked to healthy child development, but implications for adult well-being are ...

Population aging is requiring a re-examination of the role of eldercare. According to the U.S. Census Bureau, nearly one in five U.S. residents will be age 65 or older in 2030 (see Denton 2012 BLS Monthly Labor Review). In particular, unpaid eldercare is an important issue, as elder care is often provided by a family member or friends. Unpaid caregivers often experience what is called caregiver strain, defined as psychological, emotional, and/or physical strain through the act of caregiving. In this paper, we examine the extent to which the relationship between providing eldercare and subjective well-being may operate through the time constraints caregivers face, hypothesizing that the act of providing care takes time away from other activities. In addition, while the majority of caregivers are women, we test for possible gender differences in the relationship between elder caregiving, time allocation and subjective well-being. Using the American Time Use Survey (ATUS) for 2012 and 2013, of 21728 respondents, 3503 (16%) reported to have provided eldercare to a person older than 65. 61% of them were women. Our findings suggest that eldercare providers report lower level of life satisfaction as well as higher proportion are not well rested. Eldercare providers also reports less time in personal care and social activities.

Research studies and popular accounts of parenting have documented the joys and strains of raising children. Much of the literature comparing parents with those without children indicates a happiness advantage for those without children, although recent studies have unpacked this general advantage to reveal differences by the dimension of well-being considered and important features in parents lives and parenting experiences. We use unique data from the 2010, 2012, and 2013 American Time Use Survey to understand emotions in mothering experiences and how these vary by key demographic factors: employment and partnership status. Assessing mothers emotions in a broad set of parenting activities while controlling for a rich set of person and activity-level factors, we find that mothering experiences are generally associated with high levels of emotional well-being, although single parenthood is associated with differences in the emotional valence. Single mothers report less happiness and more sadness, stress, and fatigue in parenting than partnered mothers, and these reports are concentrated among those single mothers who are not employed. Employed single mothers are happier and less sad and stressed when parenting than single mothers who are not employed. Contrary to common assumptions about maternal employment, we find overall few negative associations between employment and mothers feelings regarding time with children, with the exception that employed mothers report more fatigue in parenting than those who are not employed.

There are persistent differences in self-reported subjective well-being across US metropolitan areas, and residents of declining cities appear less happy than others. Yet some people continue to move to these areas, and newer residents appear to be as unhappy as longer-term residents. While historical data on happiness are limited, the available facts suggest that cities that are now declining were also unhappy in their more prosperous past. These facts support the view that individuals do not maximize happiness alone but include it in the utility function along with other arguments. People may trade off happiness against other competing objectives.

Research on family structure and child well-being rarely includes children in same-sex parent families, a notable omission since 28 % of female–female couple households contain children. Using the 2010–2013 pooled current population survey (CPS), we examined children’s economic well-being by family structure. These data were ideal for this study because they included a sizeable number of children in same-sex cohabiting mother families and the CPS measured both official and supplemental poverty, incorporating the cohabiting partner. Using the official poverty measure, children in same-sex cohabiting mother families were more likely to be poor than their counterparts in either different-sex cohabiting or married parent families. Using the supplemental poverty measure, children in same-sex mother families were no more likely to be poor than children in all other types of different-sex two-parent families.

The economic status of women in Georgia is a key factor in the overall health and future of the state’s economy. Women represent a majority of Georgia’s adult population[1] and nearly half of the workforce.[2] In more than half of all Georgia households with children, women are primary or co-breadwinners.[3] Despite their importance, women face a host of barriers keeping them and Georgia’s economy, from reaching their full potential. Women working full-time in Georgia earn, on average, 70 cents for every dollar white men earn.[4] The gender wage gap is even wider once part-time workers are taken into account. Georgia stands to gain a lot by removing these barriers to equal earnings for working women and their families. The state’s economy could add a staggering $14.4 billion if all working women in Georgia earned the same amount of money as men living in similar population areas, of the same age, education level and working the same number of hours.[5] Even more money could be added to Georgia’s economy if women who are now not working got more support, including child care and health care, which can allow them to rejoin the workforce or work more hours. Increasing earnings for Georgia women can also provide a powerful boost to working families themselves. Lower earnings for Georgia women make it more likely they and their families will live in poverty, which carries a host of negative implications for the future of the state’s workforce and overall well-being. Poverty for Georgia’s working women could fall by nearly half if women earned the same amount of money as men in comparable circumstances.[6] Lower pay also makes it harder for women to afford health care which is essential to their heath and overall well-being.

This study shows that state efforts at child protection are structured by the policy regimes in which they are enmeshed. Using administrative data on child protection, criminal justice, and social welfare interventions, I show that children are separated from their families and placed into foster care far more frequently in states with extensive and punitive criminal justice systems than in states with broad and generous welfare programs. However, large welfare bureaucracies interact with welfare program enrollment to create opportunities for the surveillance of families, suggesting that extensive and administratively complex welfare states engage in soft social control through the surveillance and regulation of family behavior. The article further shows that institutionalization, a particularly restrictive form of foster care placement, is least common in states with broad and generous welfare regimes and generally more common under punitive regimes. Taken together, these findings show that policy regimes influence the interaction between families and the state through their proximate effects on family structure and well-being and through institutional effects that delimit the routines and scripts through which policymakers and street-level bureaucrats intervene to protect children.

How much of the dispersion in lifetime earnings, wealth, consumption, and ultimately, utility or well-being is resolved early in life (prior to working life) vs. later? This critical question has received much attention, with influential recent contributions coming from Keane and Wolpin (1997), Storesletten et al. (2005), and Huggett et al. (2011). The goal of this paper is to provide quantitative measures of how the full range of households' investment (and financing) opportunities matters for the fraction of lifetime inequality determined relatively early in life relative to later on. We focus on the role played by three specific investment opportunities: risky and lumpy college education, risky equity, and costly borrowing. To our knowledge, our work is the first to provide quantitative measures of the importance of each in the temporal resolution of lifetime inequality and the importance of the interaction between them. We find, first, that nearly all income inequality is attributable to human * The views expressed in this paper are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Federal Reserve Bank of Richmond or the Federal Reserve System. ¶ Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, ivan.vidangos@frb.gov 1 capital variation as of age 23. In other words, for individuals who have likely completed major educational investments, our results suggest that financial opportunities play only a minor role in altering inequality. Second, we find that the option to invest in high-return, high-risk assets meaningfully increases the importance of initial inequality, whereas the ability to borrow lowers the importance of initial inequality.

The history of Mexican immigration to the United States is best characterized as the movement of unskilled, manual laborers pushed northward mostly by poverty and unemployment and pulled into American labor markets with higher wages. Historically, most Mexicans have been economic immigrants seeking to improve their lives. In moments of civil strife, such as the Mexican Revolution (1910–1917) and the Cristero Revolt (1926–1929), many fled to the United States to escape religious and political persecution. Others, chafing under the weight of conservative, patriarchal, tradition-bound, rural agrarian societies, have migrated seeking modern values and greater personal liberties. Since the last quarter of the 19th century, due to increasing numeric restrictions on the importation of immigrant workers from Europe, Asia, and Africa, American employers have turned to Mexico to recruit cheap, unskilled labor. Before 1942, Mexico minimally regulated emigration. While attentive to the safety and well-being of its émigrés, the Mexican government deemed out-migration a depletion of the country’s human capital. Monetary remittances helped compensate for this loss, contributing perhaps as much as 10 percent of the country’s yearly gross national product, vastly improving national life, particularly when emigrants returned with skills and consumer goods, seeking investment opportunities for their accumulated cash. Since the 1980s, single Mexican women have become a significant component of this migration, representing 40 percent of the total immigrant flow, employed mostly as service workers, domestics, and nannies, and less so . . .

Learning at work is usually seen as beneficial for the professional and personal lives of workers. In this article, we propose that learnings relationship to worker well-being may be more complicated. We posit that learning can become a burden (instead of always being a benefit) in occupations that are learning intensive and tightly associated with the postindustrial economy. Results of analyses using data from the General Social Survey suggest that learning lessens workfamily conflict by increasing job satisfaction, but at the same time, learning makes workfamily conflict worse by leading people to work longer hours and exacerbating work-related stress.

Recent initiatives that overstate health insurance coverage for well-being conflict with the recognized antagonistic facts identified by the determinants of health that identify health care as an intermediate factor. By using a network of controlled interdependences among multiple social resources including health insurance, which we reconstructed from survey data of the U.S. and Bayesian networks structure learning algorithms, we examined why health insurance through coverage, which in most countries is the access gate to health care, is just an intermediate factor of well-being. We used social network analysis methods to explore the complex relationships involved at general, specific and particular levels of the model. All levels provide evidence that the intermediate role of health insurance relies in a strong relationship to income and reproduces its unfair distribution. Some signals about the most efficient type of health coverage emerged in our analyses.