Asians in the United States have been overlooked in issues of pay inequality and discrimination because they are often portrayed as achieving high levels of education and economic success. Although they currently have the highest median income of all racial groups, they also have the greatest income inequality. Asian workers have the largest gender pay gap of all racial groups; the top 10% of Asian workers earn almost 11 times more in annual income than Asians in the bottom 10th percentile. Despite these large income gaps, there is a lack of research on Asian economic inequality. Social work practitioners and scholars must address this as part of an overall strategy to achieve racial and gender equity in pay. This study contributes by examining how factors such as immigration, citizenship, and discrimination affect the Asian gender pay gap. Methods: This paper uses an exploratory design comprised of stakeholder interviews and analysis of microdata from the most recent 5-year American Community Survey (2013-2018). Analyses: I use Kitagawa-Blinder-Oaxaca (KBO) decomposition—a methodology often used to analyze pay gaps between groups—to decompose mean differences in income for Asian men and women into two parts: an “explained” part accounted for by group differences and an “unexplained” part which is often used as a measure for discrimination. Results: I found that the gender pay gap between Asian men and women differed dramatically depending on birthplace and citizenship status. US-born Asian women earned 89 cents for every dollar a US-born Asian man earned; foreign-born, non-citizen women made only 72 cents compared to their male counterparts; and foreign-born, non-citizen women earned only 54 cents for every dollar their male counterparts received. Although explanations for the pay gaps varied depending on subgroup, the “unexplained” portion of each gap was significant. This means that human capital factors such as level of education and occupational choice could not completely account for the pay differential. Conclusions: These findings highlight the importance of critically investigating issues of inequality and discrimination within Asian subgroups. Asians constitute a rapidly growing portion of the workforce and are the fastest growing minority population in the United States. By 2055, they are projected to be the largest immigrant group in the nation. This study helps build knowledge on the intersectionality of gender, race, and immigration so that social workers can advocate for equitable policy solutions to address the root causes of these pay disparities and better support vulnerable and marginalized populations concealed under the giant “Asian American” monolith.

Measuring occupational mobility from the Current Population Survey using retrospective or longitudinal methods generates substantially different outcomes, both in levels and trends. Using a generalized method of moments technique, we estimate the level of occupational mobility and the measurement error in both of these measures for 1981-2018. We estimate that occupational mobility has been trending down, particularly since 2000, consistent with retrospective measures of occupational mobility. However, estimated mobility is 2-3 percentage points or 60-70% higher than retrospective measures. Measurement error in longitudinal measures is large and has been worsening over time.

By mid-May 2020, cases of COVID-19 in the UK had been declining for over a month; a multi-phase emergence from lockdown was planned, including a scheduled partial reopening of schools on 1 June 2020. Although evidence suggests that children generally display mild symptoms, the size of the school-age population means the total impact of reopening schools is unclear. Here, we present work from mid-May 2020 that focused on the imminent opening of schools and consider what these results imply for future policy. We compared eight strategies for reopening primary and secondary schools in England. Modifying a transmission model fitted to UK SARS-CoV-2 data, we assessed how reopening schools affects contact patterns, anticipated secondary infections and the relative change in the reproduction number, R. We determined the associated public health impact and its sensitivity to changes in social distancing within the wider community. We predicted that reopening schools with half-sized classes or focused on younger children was unlikely to push R above one. Older children generally have more social contacts, so reopening secondary schools results in more cases than reopening primary schools, while reopening both could have pushed R above one in some regions. Reductions in community social distancing were found to outweigh and exacerbate any impacts of reopening. In particular, opening schools when the reproduction number R is already above one generates the largest increase in cases. Our work indicates that while any school reopening will result in increased mixing and infection amongst children and the wider population, reopening schools alone in June 2020 was unlikely to push R above one. Ultimately, reopening decisions are a difficult trade-off between epidemiological consequences and the emotional, educational and developmental needs of children. Into the future, there are difficult questions about what controls can be instigated such that schools can remain open if cases increase. This article is part of the theme issue 'Modelling that shaped the early COVID-19 pandemic response in the UK'.

Homeownership has historically been the best way for American families to accumulate wealth, though it is not without risks. Homes generally appreciate in value over time, but there have been periods when this was not the case. Borrowers pay down their mortgages and make tangible improvements to accumulate equity and can build additional home value through “sweat equity.” As of 2019, the median net worth of US homeowners was $254,900, 47 percent of which, or $120,000, was home equity.1 Given homeownership’s role as a wealth-building tool, it is important to understand the trajectory of the homeownership rate: where it has been, where it is going, who has benefited, and who has been left behind. Current homeownership rates show a large and growing gap by race and ethnicity: 72 percent of non-Hispanic white households owned homes in 2018, compared with 57 percent of Asian households, 48 percent of Hispanic households, and 42 percent of Black households. Notably, the current homeownership rate for Black households is even lower than it was when fair housing laws were passed in 1968.

Portland’s Black population has been heavily impacted by gentrification in the historic Albina community. Nearly half of Portland’s Black population lives in the area east of 82nd Ave, known as East Portland. This has had substantial impacts on both Black households that can continue living in Albina and those living in East Portland. The suburban-esque built environment of East Portland makes it difficult to get around and reach basic necessities. Those living in Albina have taken on exorbitant rents. Both groups suffer from a geographic divide that has made it difficult to rely on family and friends for basic needs like childcare and fulfilling social needs. This seminar will walk through those difficulties as found through a qualitative study of 27 low-income Black households in Portland. It also highlights the difficulties those households faced using various modes of transportation, why they chose the modes they did, and how they coped with their mode choices. See BikePortland's coverage of the research project: Interviews reveal transportation impacts of Albina displacement.

By facilitating early re‐entry to the labor market after childbirth, public kindergarten might positively affect maternal human capital and labor market outcomes: Are such effects long‐lasting? Can we rely on between‐individuals differences in quarter of birth to identify them? I isolate the effects of interest from spurious associations through difference‐in‐difference, exploiting across‐states and over‐time variation in public kindergarten eligibility regulations in the United States. The estimates suggest a very limited impact in the first year, and no longer‐run impacts. Even in states where it does not affect kindergarten eligibility, quarter of birth is strongly and significantly correlated with maternal outcomes.

In this paper, we investigate if there is any ethnic discrimination towards Hispanics in the labor market for the US and how Donald Trump’s involvement has affected it. By comparing the income of Hispanics with White-Americans with data collected from IPUMS between the years 2010-2019. We investigated the period before and after 2016 when he got elected as the new president for the United States. We looked further into his different statements against the Hispanic population and how that might have affected the Hispanics overall. This paper result was obtained through the difference in difference model with the help of our linear probability model. From this model, a different coefficient and a dummy variable were created to get a result with accuracy for this study. The results showed that the logarithmic income for both ethnicities has decreased over time, but just slightly. Furthermore, our results indicated no increased ethnic discrimination in terms of income during our given time interval. However, we could see a difference in educational attainment. Those with higher education earned more after 2016 than previous years, which goes for Hispanics and White-Americans. We interpret the results by seeing no significant change in the Hispanic’s income level, meaning that Trump did not affect their income. However, we can conclude that there was an income gap before Trump's presidency started and that his time as president did neither increase nor decrease the gap between the two ethnicities in our research.

If California were its own country, it would have the world's fifth largest immigrant population. The way these newcomers are integrated into the state will shape California's schools, workforce, businesses, public health, politics, and culture. In Immigrant California, leading experts in U.S. migration provide cutting-edge research on the incorporation of immigrants and their descendants in this bellwether state. California, unique for its diverse population, powerful economy, and progressive politics, provides important lessons for what to expect as demographic change comes to most states across the country. Contributors to this volume cover topics ranging from education systems to healthcare initiatives and unravel the sometimes-contradictory details of California's immigration history. By examining the past and present of immigration policy in California, the volume shows how a state that was once the national leader in anti-immigrant policies quickly became a standard-bearer of greater accommodation. California's successes, and its failures, provide an essential road map for the future prosperity of immigrants and natives alike.

Recent reports have suggested that falling fertility in the US since the 2008 recession is being driven by women with advantaged status in the labor market taking advantage of career opportunities. This paper takes issue with that conclusion. Although high incomes are associated with lower fertility in general, both in the cross section and over time (within and between countries), economic crises also lead to lower fertility. I offer a new descriptive analysis using data from the American Community Survey for 2000-2019. In the U.S. case, the fertility decline was widespread after the 2008 recession, but most concentrated among younger women. Although women with above average education have long had lower birth rates, the analysis shows that birth rates fell most for women in states with higher than average unemployment rates, especially among those with below average education. This is consistent with evidence that birth rates are falling, and births delayed, by economic insecurity and hardship.

While factories are usually thought to have disciplined workers, I find that absence rates at a US textile factory in 1883 were fairly high—9% if breaks up to 4 weeks are considered absences. Women’s absence rates were about 50% higher than those of men. While I find only weak support for economic motives, I find strong support for leisure-related motives for absences. Absences were high near weekends and holidays, and for special events, and absences were less likely when it rained. When studying how much people worked, we should not assume that days worked by employees matched days of operation for the employer.

Time and income are distinct and critical resources needed in the pursuit of happiness (life satisfaction). Income can be used to purchase market goods and services, and time can be used to spend time with friends and family, rest and sleep, and other activities. Yet little research has examined how different combinations of time and income affect life satisfaction, and if more of both is positively associated with greater levels of life satisfaction. We investigate whether life satisfaction significantly varies with time and income using data from the American Time Use Survey and its well-being module, which is a nationally representative sample of over 5000 US respondents over the age of 15. We plot a three-dimensional space exploring the relationship among time, income, and life satisfaction, finding people with similar incomes with less free time have lower levels of life satisfaction. We also identify different four subpopulations, three of which have low well-being along time and income, and one with high well-being along time and income. These subgroups significantly differ along key characteristics. Respondents with less free time and low income—the doubly poor—are more likely to be female, less educated, and have more than two kids and young children. Those with low income but lots of time, in comparison, are more likely to be black, unemployed, and have some physical or cognitive difficult. We conclude that time provides unique insights into human well-being that income alone cannot capture and should be further incorporated into research and policy on life satisfaction.

Use of Internal Revenue Service (IRS) tax records improves researchers’ ability to track income trends, although the focus on taxable market income in this research excludes important income sources. Using IRS data in combination with other data sources, we explore the effect of measuring inequality levels and trends with income, including real accrued capital gains based on Haig-Simons principles. While median market income fell 10% from 1989 to 2016, median economic income increased by 26% using our Haig-Simons-based measure. Top 1% income shares were lower and increased by only about one-third of that estimated using previous approaches over this period.

Using United States Census data between 1970 and 2017, we analyze the economic assimilation of subsequent arrival cohorts of Mexicans and Central Americans by comparing their earnings and employment probability to that of natives with similar age and education. We find that, on average, these immigrants started with an earnings gap of 40-45 percent and eliminated half of it within 20 years of arrival. Recent cohorts that arrived after 1995 performed better than earlier cohorts in that they had smaller initial earnings gaps and faster convergence. Additionally, the most recent cohorts entered the US without an employment rate disadvantage, and they surpassed natives within 10 years. We also find that Mexicans and Central Americans working in the construction sector and those living in non-enclave and urban areas had faster earnings convergence than the others.

The Covid-19 pandemic dealt an unprecedented shock to older workers and led to a sharp increase in the share of U.S. adults who are retired. This paper uses Current Population Survey data to explore the distribution and determinants of employment loss and retirement among older workers during the pandemic. Employment declines among older workers were greatest for low earners, women, non-whites and non-college-educated workers. By contrast, increased transitions to retirement occurred across demographic groups and concentrated in both the lowest-and highest-earning quar-tiles. Job characteristics that best predicted increased pandemic retirement transitions were employment in high-contact occupations and part-time work schedules. I estimate that part-time workers made up roughly 70% of the increase in net year-to-year employment-to-retirement transitions during the first year of the pandemic. This finding has implications for recent Social Security claiming behavior and for the possible persistence of the pandemic retirement boom.

I implement event study and difference-in-differences research designs to measure the causal effects of mandatory waiting periods for abortions, distinguishing between “one- trip” waiting periods that allow counseling and information to be provided remotely and “two-trip” waiting periods that require two in-person appointments. The results suggest that one-trip waiting periods do not have substantial effects on abortions or births. Two- trip waiting periods are estimated to reduce abortions and delay those that still occur, increasing second trimester abortions by 19.1%, reducing resident abortion rates by 8.9%, and increasing births by 1.5%. These effects are larger for young women and for women of color. These effects also are larger in counties that are far from abortion providers and in counties with high poverty and unemployment. These findings support a “burden” rather than a “cooling-off period” interpretation of the findings.

Financial barriers may restrict women's ability to use their preferred contraceptive methods, especially long-acting reversible contraceptives (LARC). Providing free access to a broad contraceptive method mix, including both LARC and short-acting reversible contraceptives (SARC), may increase contraceptive use, meet women's various fertility needs, and increase their agency in contraceptive decisions. Linking facility and individual data from eight countries in sub-Saharan Africa, we use a propensity score approach combined with machine learning techniques to examine how free access to a broad contraceptive method mix affects women's contraceptive choice. Free access to both LARC and SARC was associated with an increase of 3.2 percentage points (95 percent confidence interval: 0.006, 0.058) in the likelihood of contraceptive use, driven by greater use of SARC. Among contraceptive users, free access did not prompt women to switch to LARC and had no effect on contraceptive decision-making. The price effects were larger among older and more educated women, but free access was associated with lower contraceptive use among adolescents. While free access to contraceptives is associated with a modest increase in contraceptive use for some women, removing user fees alone does not address all barriers women face, especially for the most vulnerable groups of women.

This article examines the social correlates of US state income tax policy-making between 1980 and 2008. We focus on the three factors the existing research suggests that are relevant to redistributive policy-making: income structure, left power resources and racial composition. We employ a holistic measure of state income taxation—the dollar-weighted average marginal tax rate—that captures both the overall level of taxation as well as the distribution of tax incidence, key determinants of the redistributive effect of income tax policy. Our analyses examine within-state changes over time as estimated using both actual and fixed income distributions, which enables us to isolate real changes in tax policy from shifts in the income distribution. We find evidence that increases in the percentages of Black and Hispanic residents are associated with a decrease in average marginal tax rate on wage income. We situate these findings within the broader literature on the social determinants of redistributive policy-making.

Background: Research shows rising midlife morbidity among US non-Hispanic white adults, but it is unclear if and how self-rated health of racial/ethnic minority adults has changed in recent years. More research is also needed to understand factors moderating self-rated health trends among middle-aged white adults. Given the racial/ethnic and educational differences in family experiences in recent decades, scholars have called for analysis of union status and educational differentials in self-rated health trends across racial/ethnic groups. Methods: We used data from 2000–2018 National Health Interview Survey to analyze racial/ethnic variations in self-rated health trends at midlife across union status and educational groups. Results: The findings showed that recent trends in self-rated health differed not just by race/ethnicity, but also by union status and education. Changes in self-rated health were more pronounced among non-Hispanic white men and women than among racial/ethnic minorities. However, not all groups of middle-aged white adults experienced self-rated health decline. Also, worsening self-rated health at midlife extends to some nonwhites. Compared to the health decline among many racial/ethnic/gender and educational groups, married black women with college degree or higher reported significant improvement in their self-rated health over time. Conclusion: The findings demonstrate the interactions among race/ethnicity, gender, union status, and education in recent self-rated health trends.

Abstract This article examines the social correlates of US state income tax policy-making between 1980 and 2008. We focus on the three factors the existing research suggests that are relevant to redistributive policy-making: income structure, left power resources and racial composition. We employ a holistic measure of state income taxation—the dollar-weighted average marginal tax rate—that captures both the overall level of taxation as well as the distribution of tax incidence, key determinants of the redistributive effect of income tax policy. Our analyses examine within-state changes over time as estimated using both actual and fixed income distributions, which enables us to isolate real changes in tax policy from shifts in the income distribution. We find evidence that increases in the percentages of Black and Hispanic residents are associated with a decrease in average marginal tax rate on wage income. We situate these findings within the broader literature on the social determinants of redistributive policy-making.

Objectives/Hypothesis: To determine the food security status of patients with a history of head and neck cancer and compare to other types of cancer. Study Deign: A retrospective analysis using the National Health Interview Series. Methods: The National Health Interview Series (NHIS) for the calendar years 2014 to 18 was used to elicit food security status (secure, marginally secure/not secure) among adult patients with a history of throat/pharynx head and neck cancer (pHNC), thyroid cancer, and colon cancer. The relationship between food security and the primary site was compared and subanalyses were performed according to sex, race, and ethnicity. Results: The study population included 199.0 thousand patients with pHNC, with 17.7% (95% confidence interval, 10.5%–28.1%) of pHNC patients reporting their food security status as marginally secure or not secure. Food insecurity was significantly higher among pHNC patients when compared to thyroid cancer (insecurity 10.7%, [7.7%–14.7%]) and colon cancer patients (10.1%, [7.8%–13.2%]). Among pHNC patients, there was no significant difference in rates of food insecurity when stratified by gender, race, or ethnicity. However, black individuals were more likely to have food insecurity with a history of thyroid or colon cancer (P <.042) and Hispanics were more likely to have food insecurity with a history of thyroid cancer (P =.005). Conclusions: Food insecurity disproportionally affects patients with a history of pHNC, though there is less demographic variability when compared to other cancer primary sites. Food security assessments should be part of the tailored approach to survivorship management in head and neck cancer. Level of Evidence: 4 Laryngoscope, 131:E1539–E1542, 2021.