We exploit differences in state special education funding systems based on special education enrollment (‘bounty systems’) or on total student enrollment (‘census systems’) to assess whether funding systems impact teacher turnover, teacher specialty, special education enrollment, state education spending, average class sizes, and teacher effort. We find that census funding decreases special education enrollment and increases turnover among special education teachers. Relative to their counterparts, special education teachers are 5 percentage points more likely to move across schools and 18 percentage points more likely to switch to general education teaching after the implementation of census funding in their state.

This phrase has taken on new meaning since we wrote it to start a chapter in the original Handbook. Today, we write not only in the typical isolation of the academy but under mandated quarantine, as each day, the United States reports the highest number of COVID-19 infections yet. Every day, we read about another young Black person targeted for extermination, taken by the same White settler state that built my own institution on unceded Tongva land and which is actively putting migrating Indigenous people and their descendants in cages. Thousands marched on behalf of Sandra Bland, George Floyd, Eduardo Bermudez-- and endless number of murders in this ongoing coloniality. One of us is currently separated from family and living in Mexico, holed up from the virus that has shifted timespace for many, some temporarily, like myself living a transnational life similar to the one in which I was raised, others with greater permanence, having been forcibly erased through state violence by anti-Black law enforcement, a whitestream health care system that devalues vulnerable lives, or through an extension of the colonial anti-Indigenous immigration enforcement system that deported my brother and cousin. These racist patterns become numbers that materially expose the killer White supremacists and patriarchal coloniality that we live, as well as some possibilities for reparations, reappearances, recovery, and reinventing.

When do states grant social rights to noncitizens? I explore this question by examining the extension of Old Age Assistance (OAA) to noncitizens after the passage of the 1935 Social Security Act. While the act contained no alienage-based restrictions, states were permitted to bar noncitizens from means-tested programs. In 1939, 31 states had alienage restrictions for OAA. By 1971, when the Supreme Court declared state-level alienage restrictions unconstitutional, only eight states still did. States with more Mexicans and Asians were slower to repeal restriction, however. Using in-depth case studies of New York, California, and Texas, I demonstrate the importance of federal and state institutional arrangements and immigrant political power for the extension of social rights to noncitizens. I also show that to secure access to OAA, immigrant advocates adapted their strategies to match the institutional and political context.

Despite common perceptions, Latina/os have always been part of rural America, beginning two centuries ago in southwestern lands that once belonged to Mexico (Saenz, Fox, & García, 2012). For much of the twentieth century, many Latina/o families in South Texas made annual treks throughout the U.S. to work as migrant farmworkers picking a wide variety of crops (Valle, 1994). More recently, beginning in the late 1980s, many Latina/os migrated to new destinations where they were recruited to work largely in meat and poultry processing operations (Marrow, 2011). Latina/os are now the largest minority group in rural America. While little is known about rural Latinos, this is particularly true in the case of Latina/o older adults. This entry focuses on the rural Latina/o older adult population. In particular, it has two objectives: 1. to provide an overview of the knowledge base regarding Latina/o older adults in rural areas and 2. to carry out an analysis that highlights the population trends of rural Latina/o older adults along with their demographic, socioeconomic, and health characteristics.

The Affordable Care Act (ACA) has lowered the uninsured rate for children and families nationally, but its impact varies across the country based on whether a state has adopted the ACA’s Medicaid expansion to cover more adults. For Latino children and families, Medicaid serves an especially important role; while Latinos are more likely to participate in the workforce than non-Latinos, they are less likely to have employer sponsored insurance. As of May 2021, 37 states have implemented the Medicaid expansion, two states have adopted but not yet implemented, and 12 states have yet to adopt. In this brief, we show that adopting the Medicaid expansion in these 12 states would help narrow coverage gaps for Latino children and families. The COVID-19 pandemic has exposed and exacerbated longstanding health disparities for Latinos and other communities of color. As policymakers consider how to design a more equitable health system, Medicaid expansion is one key lever already at states’ disposal.

In this article, we argue that accounting for sibling complexity is a necessary step toward more accurate assessments of family structure. First, we argue that current conceptualizations of family structure are rooted in (and reinforce) Eurocentric definitions of family, and we highlight contradictions between family theory and measurements of family structure. Second, we discuss the prevalence of diverse sibling compositions in families and show the informative value of accounting for sibling complexity. Third, we explore the barriers to accounting for sibling structure by evaluating the extent to which complex sibling compositions are captured in publicly available secondary datasets recently used to study families. Finally, we consider both theoretical and methodological implications of failing to account for sibling complexity in family research and offer recommendations for future data collection efforts.

Larger firms and establishments in the US and Canada feature, i) higher wages, ii) longer hours worked, and iii) smaller (larger) wage penalties for working long (short) hours. We reconcile these patterns in a general equilibrium model, which features complementarities between the hours of co-workers. In the model, workers willing to work longer hours sort into larger firms that offer a wage premium. Complementarities generate wage penalties that increase with the distance from average firm hours. We use the model to argue the importance of the interaction between firm size, hours, and wages for earnings inequality and firm policy.

The effect of children, marriage, and childcare costs on labor participation of mothers and fathers are analyzed using a logit regression. Data comes from Integrated Public Microdata, CPS for years 2010 to 2020. I find that the composition of the family affects mother’s decision to engage in the labor market in a different fashion when compared to fathers. Children cause mothers to decrease maternal participation while the opposite is found for fathers. Maternal labor participation increases as the child approaches school age whereas father’s participation remains unaffected as the child transitions to school age. Marriage decreases maternal participation while increases father’s likelihood of becoming employed. Lastly, increases in imputed childcare costs decrease the likelihood of employment of mothers, while childcare costs have no significant effect on fathers’ employment.

The Flint Water Crisis (fwc) refers to widespread exposures of the majority Black and low- income population of Flint, Michigan to toxic lead levels in the city’s water supply. This poisoning followed a “cost- saving” drinking water supply switch to the Flint River from Lake Huron through the Detroit Water District in April 2014 by a state- appointed Emergency Manager (Fasenfest 2019). This manifestation of environmental racism was exacerbated through privatization, regulatory cover- ups and arguably criminal behavior, spearheaded by majority white elites working at the metropolitan and state levels (Benz 2019; Pulido 2016; Sadler and Highsmith 2016). In 2016, Flint initiated a contract with a transnational private company to assist with its water management. A private engineering firm promoted the treatability of the Flint River water in 2011 and consulted with officials after April 2014 and faced civil charges in June 2016 over their involvement in the fwc (Pauli 2019). The fwc presents a sociological “enlightenment function” similar to the 2005 Hurricane Katrina disaster in New Orleans and the US Gulf Coast (Beck 2006; Picou and Marshall 2007). Similar to the case of New Orleans and Hurricane Katrina, in the fwc we see how environmental racism “works” and is embedded in the prevailing political and economic structures that produce some places and bodies as pollutable. Márquez (2014) and Pellow (2016; 2018) calls this status, “expendability,” so that the status quo based on racism, profit, extraction, and violence can remain. In the fwc, we also see how water injustices are produced through the connections of racial segregation, urban disinvestment, neoliberalism, and political fragmentation that span public and private institutions (mcrc 2017; Ranganathan 2016; Sadler and Highsmith 2016). Meanwhile, in California’s San Joaquin Valley (sjv), tens of thousands of people of color and/ or low- income people pay and use bottled water because they do not have access to clean drinking water systems (Balazs and Ray 2014; London et al. 2018; Ranganathan and Balazs 2015). Despite legislative measures that recognize water as a human right in California (London 2019), water service delivery has been historically structured to protect some geographic and political units, particularly cities, over the interests and wellbeing of less powerful, unincorporated locales (Pannu 2012). Contaminated tap water in areas of the sjv contains high levels of nitrates from harmful agricultural fertilizers, mega- dairy cow manure, pesticides and other toxic substances (Balazs et al. 2011; 2012). These water injustices are compounded by race- and classbased climate vulnerabilities (English et al. 2013) and unequal exposures to pesticides and other environmental health hazards in the air, land, and water environments (Harrison 2011; Huang and London 2012; Liévanos 2017, 2018a, 2018b; Liévanos et al. 2011; London et al. 2008; Sadd et al. 2014; Sadd et al. 2015). Water access and inequalities are seen as a rural problem, yet they range from the bodily, household, community, urban and county to the state (Balazs and Ray 2014). In this chapter, we situate the fwc in a historical- comparative analysis with Stockton— a major urban center of the sjv. As in Flint (Highsmith 2015), racial segregation and uneven development intertwine throughout Stockton’s history (Liévanos 2019a; Mabalon 2013; Ogbu 1974). Recent developments suggest Stockton offers a counterpoint to the rural drinking water injustices of the sjv following the high- stakes contract to privatize its drinking water in 2003 with omi- Thames, a transnational corporation. A lawsuit from an antiprivatization coalition ended the contract in 2008, but the contract resulted in negative consequences (Robinson 2013: 4). Adverse impacts from this water privatization failure have more recently manifest in water quality concerns for Stockton’s privileged and predominantly white Northside. According to one account, “Stockton is embroiled in controversy over a proposal to change the way it disinfects North Stockton’s drinking water. (O)bservers … charge that … proposed switch from chlorine to chloramines poses a serious public health risk similar to that seen in Flint, Michigan … Stockton isn’t Flint.” (emphasis added, Bagalayos 2016). The suggestion here is that the local particularities of the Stockton case mean that it “isn’t Flint.” We treat this suggestion empirically: are Stockton and Flint comparable, and if so, why or why not? What is at stake in framing urban water crises comparatively? The answers to these questions have important implications for understanding how race, space, neoliberalism, and “crisis driven urbanization” unfold unevenly across Flint and Stockton, and the myriad of U.S. cities that “are potential crisis cities” (Gotham and Greenberg 2014: 16). Through a series of spatial, political and environmental crises, post war US cities limit the life chances and economic security of some, to the benefit of others, in the areas of wealth accumulation, housing, and education (Highsmith 2015). First, we summarize our theoretical model of racialized crisis driven urbanization. We develop this model through engagement with Gotham and Greenberg’s (2014) crisis cities framework, and a synthesis of urban and racial theory with environmental justice studies. We then present our historicalcomparative analysis of racialized crisis driven urbanization in Flint and Stockton. We draw on original data collection of historical and multi- scalar spatial contexts, including an original analysis of land use and housing valuation data, longitudinal census data, and contemporary water quality data with geographic information systems. We argue that the production of contemporary water crises in both Flint and Stockton is constituted by multiple “racial projects” of crisis driven urbanization. A racial project is “an interpretation, representation, or explanation of racial dynamics, and an effort to reorganize and redistribute resources along particular racial lines” (Omi and Winant 1994: 68). In Flint and Stockton, crisis driven urbanization is shaped by historically specific racial projects of (re-)organizing race and space in order to consolidate racial capitalism (Robinson 2000 [1983]), in particular, its hierarchical and historical order of “differential value” of racialized bodies and spaces, with non- white bodies variously stratified at the bottom of the social, economic and political order (Pulido 2016; 2017). We offer new empirical insights and show how racialized crisis driven urbanization unfolded consistently but unevenly from the 1930s New Deal era recovery from the Great Depression through crises that led to the contemporary water crisis in Flint and Stockton. Crisis driven urbanization in the United States is co- constituted by multi- scalar racialized dynamics of devaluation, dispossession, exclusion, and environmental hazard exposures grounded first in racist policy developments in housing and schools and transformed by neoliberalism.

The essays on the gender gap in entrepreneurship examine the trade-offs between women’s family formation choices and career aspirations in the setting of small businesses and entrepreneurship. The first essay titled “Family Comes First: Reproductive Health and the Gender Gap in Entrepreneurship,” uses Census data to show how better access to reproductive care increases women’s propensity to become entrepreneurs, correlates positively with female entrepreneurial activity, and negatively with female entrepreneurial age. Examining firm size and personal income suggests it also improves the success of female-led businesses. Finally, it shows how policies securing better reproductive care enable more women to become entrepreneurs and, potentially, drive economic growth. The second essay titled “Reproductive Rights and Women’s Access to Capital,” explores the impact of reproductive care restrictions on female entrepreneurs seeking to raise capital. It tests the hypothesis that better access to reproductive care enables women to plan their family formation better, avoid unexpected pregnancies, and gain access to cheaper capital as a result of this reduced risk. This hypothesis is analyzed using restricted data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY79) in a difference-in-differences setting around the enactment of state-level legislation limiting access to reproductive care. It finds restrictions on reproductive care to be detrimental to women seeking to raise capital and open their own firms. Women who have limited reproductive care access are less likely to borrow, end up taking smaller loan amounts, and have lower leverage ratios.

White-Black wealth gaps have widened in the wake of the Great Recession, suggesting that White households have disproportionately benefited from the post-Recession economic recovery. In this paper, I explore the role of rising house prices over this period in explaining widening White-Black wealth gaps. I combine geocoded longitudinal data on household wealth from the nationally-representative Panel Study of Income Dynamics with Census tract house price index data to estimate how the distributions of White and Black household wealth would have changed under a counterfactual scenario where house prices did not appreciate from 2013 to 2019. I find that rising house prices account for most of the increase in the White-Black wealth gap over this period. While Black homeowners did benefit from greater Census tract-level house price appreciation than White homeowners, White households benefited more from rising house prices overall due to having greater rates of homeownership and higher house values than Black households. Given the important role of institutional racism through the 20th century in explaining White-Black gaps in homeownership and house values, these findings demonstrate a pathway through which the legacies of institutional racism contribute to present-day racial inequalities.

This study assesses the male-female wage gap across occupational categories ranked by gender density using data from the U.S. Current Population Survey. Our empirical findings suggest a consistent relationship between occupational feminization and the gender wage gap: female-dominated occupations have the lowest average earnings for men and women, whereas male-dominated occupations have the lowest gender wage gap. Gender-neutral occupations have the highest male and female wages, the largest gender wage gap, and the lowest estimated levels of wage discrimination.

An increasing number of people worldwide are consuming fresh food for health, environmental, and ethical reasons. As this push for the consumption of fresh food is gaining momentum, many citizens cannot partake in the movement as they live in areas where there are no fresh food stores, or it takes a long time to reach the nearest fresh food store. This phenomenon exists throughout the United States, including the State of Georgia. We first determined the spatial locations of standard grocery stores selling fresh food across Georgia. Using advanced spatial tools in Geographical Information System (GIS), we then determined the average travel time to selected stores at the census tract level and used it as the dependent variable in a spatial lag regression model to determine factors affecting the fresh food availability at the state level. Moreover, we specified a Cluster Point Process Model to analyze how population characteristics explain the density of fresh food stores across the state. About 15.3% of Georgia's current population has to travel more than 10 min to purchase fresh food. The residents of census tracts with a higher percentage of White, percentage of Hispanic, employment rate, urban rate, and education level had better fresh food availability. Moreover, residents of high-income tracts in urban areas had to travel longer to access a fresh food store. We also found that the density of fresh food stores in urban areas was higher than in rural areas. Our findings will bring forward inequalities embedded in food systems and provide valuable information for policymakers seeking an improvement in the fresh food availability across Georgia and other states located in the Southern United States.

Rates of unintended births (UIBs) are disproportionately high in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) where the capacity to provide care to unexpected mothers and their offspring is often lagging. To decrease the prevalence of UIBs and their negative impacts on children, women, families, communities, and health systems of developing nations, global health stakeholders must understand the characteristics of a woman's life in these regions that increase her risk for UIBs. This project identified and analyzed predictors of UIBs in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) and South-East Asia among all women of reproductive age. It built on findings from previous studies while also testing novel determinants in predictive models. The overall goal was to add to the conceptual understanding of sociodemographic, interpersonal, and family dynamic situations that predispose a woman to UIBs while factoring out overly specific regional influences. This can guide future research and inform public health practice in regions where comprehensive and context-specific studies on UIBs have not yet been done.

Introduction: Non-Department of Defense (DoD)-curated health surveillance data on military personnel is limited and that which is generated by sources other than the DoD is rarely analyzed for the purposes of disseminating intelligence about health trends in this population. The purpose of this study was to determine spatiotemporal variations in the prevalence of certain conditions (i.e., hearing loss, vision impairment, and executive dysfunction) among active duty and National Guard/Reserve (NGR) military personnel. Materials and Methods: We obtained person-level data from the 2015-2019 United States Census Bureau's American Community Survey on active duty military personnel (N = 44,503) and NGRs (N = 146,488). We estimated survey-weighted logistic regression models to determine spatiotemporal differences in hearing loss, vision impairment, and executive dysfunction. Results: Results showed that when aggregated across time and stratified by military service status, hearing loss was most prevalent (1.71%, 95% CI = 1.55, 1.89), followed by executive dysfunction (1.48%, 95% CI = 1.34, 1.64) and vision impairment (0.65%, 95% CI = 0.55, 0.77), among active duty service members. Among the NGR sample, hearing loss was most prevalent (9.99%, 95% CI = 9.80, 10.18), followed by executive dysfunction (5.35%, 95% CI = 5.20, 5.50) and vision impairment (3.43%, 95% CI = 3.31, 3.55). Overall, disability rates were higher among individuals in the NGR than among those on active duty. Results showed that risk for the aforementioned disabilities varied between 2015 and 2019 and was dependent on the rural location of the respondent's residence. Specifically, limiting condition prevalence increased from 2015 to 2019 for all types-except for hearing loss among NGRs-among active duty members and NGRs living in rural areas. Conclusions: Proper surveillance, education, treatment/rehabilitation, and prevention are essential components of mitigating these impairments to help assure the health, wellness, and combat readiness of our military personnel. Recommendations for future military health surveillance activities and health care services are provided.

American government officials are increasingly enacting supply-side interventions, such as drug reformulations, to combat the opioid crisis. I study the unintended consequences of the OxyContin reformulation on child welfare utilization by exploiting cross-state variation in rates of prereformulation OxyContin misuse. A growing literature suggests that after the reformulation, a subset of people with opioid use disorder transitioned from using prescription opioids to using heroin. If that these individuals were caregivers of children, there would be a higher need for child welfare services, such as foster care. Although foster care case and entry rates increased after the reformulation, I find that it was not due to an increase in Child Protective Services inquires, such as reports of maltreatment. These findings suggest that the unintended consequences of the reformulation were not limited to the drug users themselves but also affected their children and the state agencies that serve families and children.

There is growing concern that the innovation system's ability to create wealth and attain social benefit is declining in effectiveness. This article explores the reasons for this decline and suggests a structure, the open science partnership, as one mechanism through which to slow down or reverse this decline. The article examines the empirical literature of the last century to document the decline. This literature suggests that the cost of research and innovation is increasing exponentially, that researcher productivity is declining, and, third, that these two phenomea have led to an overall flat or declining level of innovation productivity. The article then turns to three explanations for the decline – the growing complexity of science, a mismatch of incentives, and a balkanization of knowledge. Finally, the article explores the role that open science partnerships – public-private partnerships based on open access publications, open data and materials, and the avoidance of restrictive forms of intellectual property – can play in increasing the efficiency of the innovation system.

This paper extends the existing literature on son preference using an epidemiological approach to determine which cultural beliefs contribute most to son preference. We measure son preference by the increased fertility response due to a first-born female child. The coefficient giving the increase in the fertility response to a first-born female associated with a change in the equity index grows by over 50% when religious variables are included. We believe this highlights the importance of controlling for multiple cultural factors which may be correlated across home countries. The analysis shows that the major cultural determinants of son preference are gender economic inequities, while measures of women's relative educational and political standing are largely irrelevant. Across the distribution of economic equity on our sample, the fertility response to a first-born female change from a 6.5% increase to a 1.6% decrease in the average number of children per household.

In 1990, the last time the decennial census included a question on domestic drinking water source, it was estimated that private domestic water wells (PDWs) supplied household water to about 15.1 million housing units (15% of the population) in the United States (U.S.). PDWs are not regulated by the Safe Drinking Water Act, and with few exceptions, are not subject to the water quality testing required of public water suppliers. We expanded two methods in estimating housing units reliant on PDWs from an Oklahoma pilot study (Weaver et al. 2017), nationally. Both use 1990 census data on drinking water sources as a baseline. The first method uses housing unit change and private well drilling logs for 20 states. This allows for the rate of well use to change between 1990 and 2010 in these states. The second, based solely on housing unit change, assumes a constant rate of well use. Ordinary least squares regression demonstrated (R2 = 0.78) that the methods yield similar estimates for nationwide well use. Using the housing unit change method, it is estimated that in 2010, 23 million housing units were reliant on PDWs (17% of the population). We provide these estimates at the census block group and census block resolution. This dataset will assist in a better understanding of the reliance on PDWs in the U.S., and position local, tribal, state, and national groups to better protect this water resource from contaminant sources.

Female participation in the labor market has been increasing over time. Despite the fact that the level of education among women has also increased considerably, the wage gap has not narrowed to the same extent. This dichotomy presents an important challenge that the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals with respect to gender inequities must address. Hispanics constitute the largest minority group in the US, totaling 60.6 million people (18.5% of the total US population in 2020). Cubans make up the third largest group of Hispanic immigrants in the US, representing 5% of workers. This paper analyzes the conditional income distribution of Cuban immigrants in the US using the clustering of effects curves (CEC) technique in a quantile regression coefficients modeling (QRCM) framework to compare the transferability of human capital between women and men. The method uses a flexible quantile regression approach and hierarchical clustering to model the effect of covariates (such as years of education, English proficiency, US citizenship status, and age at time of migration) on hourly earnings. The main conclusion drawn from the QRCM estimations was that being a woman had the strongest negative impact on earnings and was associated with lower wages in all quantiles of the distribution. CEC analysis suggested that educational attainment was included in different clusters for the two groups, which may have indicated that education did not play the same role for men and women in income distribution.