Although France and the United States had historic ties, relatively few persons born in France migrated to the United States. Over the 150 years from 1820 to 1970, over 45 million persons entered the United States as migrants, but only 730,000 of these were french. Many more French overseas migrants went to North Africa and to Latin America. The peak migration to the United States came in the middle of the XIXth century. By the XXth century, for every ten migrants, approximately four returned to France. Of the French living in the United States, most went to the urban, industrial states of the Northeast and Midwest and also to Louisiana (mostly New Orleans) with its French traditions. Most settled in cities. Similarly few French Canadians came to the U.S., and they were even more geographically concentrated, primarily in New England. The slow population growth in France, its urban and industrial growth in the XIXth and XXth centuries, and the existence of a large class of agrarian proprietors likely accounted for the low level of net outmigration. Même si la France et les États-Unis ont tissé des liens historiques bien connus, ce dernier pays a accueilli relativement peu de migrants nés en France. Sur 150 ans, entre 1820 et 1970, environ 45 millions de personnes ont migré aux États-Unis, dont seulement 730 000 Français. Les États-Unis étaient fortement concurrencés comme destination d'émigration outremer par l'Afrique du Nord ou l'Amérique latine. C'est aux alentours de 1850 que la migration française vers les États-Unis connut son acmé. Au XXe siècle, environ quatre émigrants français sur dix s'en sont retournés au pays. Les Français vivant aux États-Unis se dirigèrent pour la plupart vers les villes industrielles du Nord- Est et du Midwest, sans oublier la Louisiane – en particulier La Nouvelle-Orléans -du fait de son passé français. Des Franco-Canadiens migrèrent également aux États-Unis : leur zone d'implantation fut encore plus concentrée que celle des Français, puisqu'il s'agit essentiellement de la Nouvelle-Angleterre. La faiblesse de l'émigration française aux États-Unis s'explique d'abord par la mollesse de la croissance démographique en France durant les deux derniers siècles, par l'existence en revanche d'une importante croissance ur-baine et industrielle, enfin par le maintien d'une large couche de propriétaires ruraux.

This study examines how levels of female headship, non-marital fertility, and divorce among Mexican origin women aged 18-59 compare to levels among the non-Hispanic white majority. Change in these family patterns are measured over time and across generations to test three theories of assimilation, linear assimilation, segmented assimilation, and familism. Whether Mexican Americans will follow the patterns of assimilation and integration experienced by European immigrants and their descendents is hotly debated. Some researchers argue that not enough time has passed or generational distance occurred in the Hispanic population for assimilation to be widespread (Alba, 1995). Others argue that the unique experience of particular ethnic groups once in the United States will prevent assimilation towards the mainstream population. Rather than experiencing socioeconomic improvement over time, these groups will remain distinct from the white majority both economically and culturally (Portes, 1995; Portes and Zhou, 1994).This analyses uses data from the IPUMS to analyze changes in Mexican American female headship from 1880-1990. Regression analyses of patterns of female headship, divorce, and non-marital fertility from 1960-1990, offer no support for either the linear assimilation of familism theories. Analyses of generational changes using the 1995 June CPS provide mixed support for the linear assimilation and segmented assimilation theories.

This article discusses Du Bois's analysis of poverty, charity, and relief in Philadelphia, and places it in the context of his research methods and agenda. It uses this consideration of method and agenda as a framework for an overview of the relations between race and the American welfare state. After describing the structure of the American welfare state, the article limns some of the themes in the historic imbrication of race in social welfare. The article then turns to the implication for African Americans of the post-1980 redefinition of the welfare state by the three great forces of dependence, devolution, and markets. These forces not only redefine benefits; they also recast the idea of citizenship and what it means to be an American.

Analysis of long-run changes in the living arrangements and economic well-being of the aged is limited by the lack of consistent data sources across time and space. Some fragmentary evidence on the living arrangements of the aged in several European and North American countries before the mid-twentieth century is summarized in table 1. The numbers should be interpreted cautiously. The earliest estimates are especially suspect, since we generally lack information about the enumeration procedures or completeness of the surviving pre-nineteenth century listings of inhabitants. Even in the nineteenth century, there was significant variation in census concepts and definitions among countries and across time (Ruggles and Brower, forthcoming). Moreover, the processing of the existing historical data has not followed standardized procedures from study to study, and we have little information of the representativeness of the local studies. Therefore, it would be premature to make too much of the apparent trends and differences shown in table 1. Despite all these qualifications, however, we can be confident that prior to the twentieth century most elderly persons in Europe and North America resided with their children and that residing alone was exceedingly rare. Today, the great majority of the aged populations of North America and Europe reside alone or with only their spouse. Moreover, recent studies suggest that the percentage of the aged who live alone has also begun to rise in many Asian and Latin American countries (Hermalin and Ofstedal, 1996; Uhlenberg, 1996; Martin, 1989; DeVos, 1995). Taken as a whole, the evidence suggests that the shift towards independent residence of the aged is a worldwide phenomenon. According to the consensus of scholarly opinion, the simplification of the living arrangements of the aged during the twentieth century has resulted primarily from an increase in the resources of the aged, which has enabled increasing numbers of elderly to afford independent living. The author's analysis suggests the opposite: he argues that the decline of the multigenerational family occurred mainly because of increasing opportunities for the young and declining parental control over their children.

This article discusses Du Bois's analysis of poverty, charity, and relief in Philadelphia, and places it in the context of his research methods and agenda. It uses this consideration of method and agenda as a framework for an overview of the relations between race and the American welfare state. After describing the structure of the American welfare state, the article limns some of the themes in the historic imbrication of race in social welfare. The article then turns to the implication for African Americans of the post-1980 redefinition of the welfare state by the three great forces of dependence, devolution, and markets. These forces not only redefine benefits; they also recast the idea of citizenship and what it means to be an American.

This paper presents national estimates of the population likely to identify with more than one race in the 2000 census as a result of a new federal policy allowing a multiple racial identification. A large number of race-based public policies - including affirmative action and the redistricting provisions of the Voting Rights Act - may be affected by the shift of some 8-18 million people out of traditional single-race statistical groups. The decline in single-race populations resulting from the new classification procedure are likely to be greater in magnitude than the net undercount in the U.S. census at the center of the controversy over using census sampling. Based on ancestry data in the 1990 census and experimental survey results from the 1995 Current Population Survey, we estimate that 3.1-6.1% of the U.S. population is likely to mark multiple races. Our results are substantially higher than those suggested by previous research and have implications for the coding, reporting, and use of multiple response racial data by government and researchers. The change in racial classification may pose new conundrums for the implementation of race-based public policies, which have faced increasing criticism in recent years.

Contemporary sociologists implicitly have assumed that the raw-class debate has been resolved: Blacks tend to fall in one of two categories-"the black middle class" or the "truly disadvantaged." However; lost amid the controversies over the supposed privileges of the former and the problems of the latter is the plight of the "forgotten" category of blacks: the black working class. Accordingly, we present a sociological analysis of the black working class and ask: How has the black working class changed compared it, its white counterpart from 1850 to 1990? Employing the Integrated Public Use Microdata Series (IPUMS) for our analysis, we find that for the last five decades blacks are mom likely to be working class than middle class or bottom class, In addition, blacks currently are more likely to be working class than are whites. In fact, in recent decades the percentage of blacks who are working class exceeds those for whites and indeed, are higher than ever recorded for whites.

This proposal seeks funding for electronic dissemination and support of the Integrated Public Use Microdata Series (IPUMS). The IPUMS--the world's largest publicly available demographic database--is a coherent series of individual-level census data drawn from eleven census years between 1850 and 1990. The National Institutes of Health funded the creation of many of the component data files of the IPUMS. Funding for electronic dissemination and user support is essential if the IPUMS is to realize its potential as a vital multi-disciplinary resource. The development of the Internet and World Wide Web (WWW) promises to transform fundamentally the nature of electronic data dissemination. At the same time, the proliferation of fast personal computers and UNIX workstations is already revolutionizing data analysis. This proposal capitalizes on both of these developments by making the largest and most powerful population database readily available for analysis on desktop machines. The research plan can be broken into three tasks: 1. Development of an interactive Java-based extraction system for use on the WWW. Users will be able to fashion subsamples containing only those years, subpopulations, and variables that suit their research interests and computing power. They will also be able to construct new variables that capitalize on the hierarchical structure of the database. 2. Conversion of IPUMS documentation into hypertext format to facilitate navigation. The documentation will be integrated with the extraction system so that researchers can make informed choices in designing their subsamples. By using Adobe Acrobat format, the documentation will be downloadable onto virtually any computer platform while retaining its hypertext functions. 3. Ongoing support for users. Four general areas of need will be the focus: help for users of the extract system, data, and documentation; establishment of a Web site as a clearinghouse for researchers; correction and posting of any errors discovered in the IPUMS; and dissemination efforts to make the academic community aware of this resource

Large increases in educational attainment have resulted in dramatic shifts in the composition of educational groups. Utilizing 1960-90 Decennial Census and other data, this paper uses educational ranks (cohort-specific relative rankings in educational attainment) as a control for changes in the composition of educational groups. This approach assumes that people in different cohorts with the same educational rank have about the same level of ability. The paper also examines a second approach to controlling for changes in the composition of educational groups, within cohort comparisons. For native white males between 1969-89, accounting for changes in the composition of educational groups: (1) explains about half of the increase in the college-high school weekly earnings differential; (2) results in increases in weekly earnings for the less educated; and (3) doubles the increases in experience differentials for high school graduates who are less educated. The paper questions the common research strategy of using educational groups as a proxy for skill groups over long time periods, noting that estimates of the returns to skill using education differentials are likely to present a misleading portrait of the labor market and arguing that this misleading portrait has been significant over time.

La Unión Europea representa actualmente casi el 50 por ciento de las exportaciones mundiales de mercancía. Aún si descontamos el importante flujo de comercio intraregional que se desarrolla entre sus socios, el peso que ostentan los países comunitarios en sus intercambios comerciales con el resto de las naciones se acerca al 20 por ciento del total mundial. Como unión aduanera constituye, pues, el primer grupo exportador, tanto en términos de mercancía como en servicios, donde también cubre en torno a la mitad de las exportaciones del mundo.

We review some of the work of the past ten years that applied the multilevel logit model. We attempt to provide a brief description of the hypothesis tested, the hierarchical data structure analyzed, and the multilevel data source for each piece of work we have reviewed. We have also reviewed the technical literature and worked out two examples on multilevel models for binary outcomes. The review and examples serve two purposes: First, they are designed to assist in all aspects of working with multilevel models for binary outcomes, including model conceptualization, model description for a research report, understanding of the structure of required multilevel data, estimation of the model via a generally available statistical package, and interpretation of the results. Second, our examples contribute to the evaluation of the approximation procedures for binary multilevel models that have been implemented for general public use.

This dissertation is an evaluation of the relationship between managed care and physicians' income. The 1991 and 1997 Survey of Young Physicians sponsored by the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation was used in this empirical study of the effects of managed care on physicians. Results from the tobit analysis of the population measure of the managed care penetration rate show that the penetration rate is positively impacted by the number of large firms in an area. Increases in the number of hospitals and the average hospital size results in increases in the managed care penetration rate. The larger is the metropolitan area and the more educated the population is, the greater is the percent of the population in managed care plans. AWP laws have a negative impact on the managed care penetration rate, as does the percent of the white collar workforce. ^ The 1990 and 1996 cross-section models as well as the change in wage models indicate that many factors, including managed care, impact physicians' wages. The results show that the wage gap has decreased between primary care physicians and specialists. Results also indicate that the gender wage gap between male physicians and their female counterparts has decreased for only the specialist physicians. ^ The results of the hours worked models indicate that male physicians continue to work more hours per week than their female counterparts, contributing to the gender annual wage gap. The models also indicate that all specialists work more hours per week than primary care physicians. The fewer hours worked per week coupled with the lower hourly wage rate results in lower annual income for primary care physicians. However, the number of hours worked by specialists relative to the number of hours worked by primary care physicians has decreased for both hospital-based and surgical specialists. This may help explain the narrowing of the wage gap between the primary care physicians and some of the specialists.

The demographic aging of the United States population has increasingly attracted the attention of both the popular media as well as academia. A growing body of interdisciplinary literature has considered some of the social and economic implications of this 'graying' population. Additionally, the impact of economic restructuring has been considered in light of this demographic transformation and the implications of issues like job availability, labor force participation rates and changing skill requirements for an aging work force. Geographers have considered the spatial effects of economic restructuring for various sectors and for various population groups. This research weaves together these areas of the literature by addressing the following question: Is there a spatial concentration of older workers in selected industrial sectors? Specifically, I consider the representation of individuals over the age of 55 employed in agriculture, manufacturing, professional services and nonprofessional services. Using data extracted from the 1990 1% sample of the Integrated Public Use Microdata Series (IPUMS), location quotients were calculated for each sector. The results suggest that there is a spatial concentration among older workers, especially notable within agriculture and manufacturing. The Midwest and Northeast emerge as important regions of concentration for these sectors among older workers.