This paper seeks to improve on previous estimates of the impact of immigration on native wages by using an occupational segmentation approach that directly controls for regional migration and other shifts in native-born labor supply. The labor market is segmented by occupation in order to determine which, if any, native workers tend to bevulnerable to increased immigrant competition for jobs. The results suggest that native-born workers in the primary sector are the main beneficiaries of increased immigration, while native-born Hispanic females in the secondary sector are the most susceptible to downward wage pressures.

This paper examines demographic patterns of intermarriage broken down by sex from the late nineteenth century into the twentieth. In particular, it looks at which groups were most likely candidates for out-marriage, and suggests some reasons why.

Over the last twenty years, environmental regulation has sharply reduced pollution levels in the Los Angeles region. Population growth has soared in the Los Angeles suburbs that have experienced the largest pollution reductions. This paper posits that regulation has increased local quality of life which has encouraged in-migration. I explore alternative explanations for this growth.

Homicide rates are understood in large part by comparison. Almost without thinking we compare this year to last, this place to that. Usually we make modest leaps in time and space, taking adjacent sites and time periods in an effort to hold constant otherwise uncontrollable factors. But, in keeping the comparisons modest, we may lose the leverage necessary to make sense of rates. Simply put, the theoretical questions we must address are very different if the United States has always had rates and short term variations similar to those of the present as opposed to completely different ones. If, for example, the highs of 1990 and the lows of 1999 represent a range within which rates have always fluctuated, then the objects to be explained are customary and normal. If, on the other hand, they are extraordinary, or occur only in particular times and places, the explanatory task is very different. Establishing American homicide rates for a wide range of times and places is fundamental to our understanding of homicide. As a beginning of this effort, this paper reports on reconstructed homicide rates from six large and representative cities for 1900, and for what were the nation's two largest cities-Chicago and New York City-over a long span.

This paper presents national estimates of the population likely to identify with more than one race in the 2000 census as a result of a new federal policy allowing multiple racial identification. A large number of race-based public policies—including affirmative action and the redistricting provisions of the Voting Rights Act—may be affected by the shift of some 8–18 million people out of traditional single-race statistical groups. The declines in single-race populations resulting from the new classification procedure are likely to be greater in magnitude than the net undercount in the U.S. census at the center of the controversy over using census sampling. Based on ancestry data in the 1990 census and experimental survey results from the 1995 Current Population Survey, we estimate that 3.1–6.6% of the U.S. population is likely to mark multiple races. Our results are substantially higher than those suggested by previous research and have implications for the coding, reporting, and use of multiple response racial data by government and researchers. The change in racial classification may pose new conundrums for the implementation of race-based public policies, which have faced increasing criticism in recent years. * RAETT, : Race and Ethnicity Targeted Test; CPS, : Current Population Survey

This paper uses census IPUMS data to analyze trends in racial differences in home ownership and housing values and to examine the connection between residential segregation and the housing status of blacks relative to whites. A widening in the ownership gap between 1940 and 1960 is explained largely by the increasing concentration of blacks in central city areas but a narrowing in the ownership gap between 1960 and 1980 is explained only partly by changes in the relative characteristics of the black and white populations. Residential segregation did not widen the racial gap in home ownership rates in 1940 or 1980, but it did tend to widen the gap in housing values after 1940. Nonetheless, there has been substantial convergence in the relative value of black and white housing since 1940.

Objective: To determine women's attitudes to and knowledge of both false positive mammography results and the detection of ductal carcinoma in situ after screening mammography.Design: Cross sectional survey.Setting United States.Participants: 479 women aged 18-97 years who did not report a history of breast cancer.Main outcome: measures Attitudes to and knowledge of false positive results and the detection of ductal carcinoma in situ after screening mammography.Results: Women were aware that false positive results do occur. Their median estimate of the false positive rate for 10 years of annual screening was 20% (25th percentile estimate, 10%; 75th percentile estimate, 45%). The women were highly tolerant of false positives: 63% thought that 500 or more false positives per life saved was reasonable and 37% would tolerate 10 000 or more. Women who had had a false positive result (n=76) expressed the same high tolerance: 39% would tolerate 10 000 or more false positives. 62% of women did not want to take false positive results into account when deciding about screening. Only 8% of women thought that mammography could harm a woman without breast cancer, and 94% doubted the possibility of non-progressive breast cancers. Few had heard about ductal carcinoma in situ, a cancer that may not progress, but when informed, 60% of women wanted to take into account the possibility of it being detected when deciding about screening.Conclusions: Women are aware of false positives and seem to view them as an acceptable consequence of screening mammography. In contrast, most women are unaware that screening can detect cancers that may never progress but feel that such information would be relevant Education should perhaps focus less on false positives and more on the less familiar outcome of detection of ductal carcinoma in situ.

This work is intended to foster dialogue on moving beyond a nearly uniform reliance on purely qualitative accounts, in the form of narratives, to portray nursing's past. To this end, this work demonstrates the manner in which one type of quantitative approach broadened understanding of the relative importance of educational background as a factor in completing training among women who entered an early hospital-based nursing program. Primary source data includes detailed records from a Midwestern hospital school of nursing, covering the period from 1897 to 1937. In regard to educational background, this research suggests that a high school diploma was not an asset in completing training. Concerning the larger methodological issue, it emphasizes that progress in nursing history, as in other areas of social science research, demands that we use all of our abilities for quantitative and qualitative understanding.

This paper has substantive and methodological goals. The substantive goals are motivated by two questions: How are occupations graded by age in the United States? How has this changed over the last fifty years? Methodologically, I compare results from two different means of measuring age segregation: the index of dissimilarity and logmultiplicative models. I find that occupations are age segregated. The best-fitting model suggests that there are two different patterns of occupational age segregation. One pattern is linear, in which workers at a particular age are progressively more segregated from workers who are more distant in age. The other pattern is u-shaped, in which workers in their twenties and sixties are more likely to perform the same occupations, and less likely to share occupations with workers at mid-life. Among both men and women, occupational age segregation has declined during the last half of the twentieth century. The bulk of the change between 1950 and 1990 comes from changes in occupations. For example, some occupations were dominated by young workers and now are dominated by older ones. The distances separating different age groups from each other have also shifted. The choice of method affects the results. The index of dissimilarity conflates the changes in both dimensions governing the association between age and occupation. Logmultiplicative models allow a closer examination of the particular patterns of segregation, as well as the contributions of particular occupations and age groups to those patterns.

This report looks at the outcomes of young adults, ages 10-16, in the 1980s who lived as teenagers in U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) public and assisted housing developments during the 1970s. The authors compare these outcomes to those of lower-income teenagers who did not receive public assistance, and separate the effects of assistance from the unobserved characteristics of families that might affect both the need for housing assistance and the subsequent careers of the children.

We present the first estimates of the returns to years of schooling before 1940 using a large sample individuals (from the 1915 Iowa State Census). The returns to a year of high school or college were substantial in 1915about 11 percent for all males and in excess of 12 percent for young males. Education enabled individuals to enter lucrative white-collar jobs, but sizable educational wage differentials also existed within occupational groups. Returns were substantial even for those in farming. We find, using U.S. census data, that returns to education decreased between 1915 and 1940 and again during the 1940s.