This paper studies the migratory responses of native-born and foreign-born adults to recent immigration in U.S. metropolitan labor markets. The core question addressed is whether native-born and foreign-born adults show differential evidence of or migratory responses to recent immigration. The white flight thesis holds that natives out-migrate from labor markets that experience high immigration because of the perceived economic and social costs associated with immigrants. Our study premise is that if the foreign born also leave labor markets of high immigration at comparable rates or at even higher rates than the native born, then that finding suggests that forces other than immigration drive internal migration decisions Our preliminary analysis indicates that native-born men are actually less likely than foreign-born men to outmigrate from areas of high recent immigration. We then focus on the economic and social correlates of differential migratory responses of foreign-born and native-born men. A considerable body of recent scholarship has viewed internal migration as an important mechanism for evolving ethnic spatial patterns. The initial settlement of immigrants in a small number of states creates distinct native and foreign-born patterns. At issue is the extent to which the subsequent internal migrations of immigrants and of native-born population subgroups are contributing either to increases or decreases in this spatial separation and what leads to differential migratory responses of different population groups. This paper extends our prior work (Kritz and Gurak 2001, Gurak and Kritz 2000) in two ways. First, we use the 2000 PUMS 5% files in addition to the 1990 5% files and examine the extent to which the addition of 11 million new immigrants during the 1990s has altered relationships based on the immigration experiences and contextual conditions of the 1980s. Second, we use a smaller context unit, Labor Market Regions, in place of States in an effort to improve the measurement of contextual effects. The analysis assesses whether the following hypotheses hold net of other differentials between foreign-born and native-born adults in individual characteristics and economic and race-ethnic composition of metropolitan labor market of residence: (1) that there is a difference between foreign-born and native-born males in the likelihood of out-migration from labor markets of high immigration; and (2) that the migratory response patterns of foreign-born and native-born males differ depending upon the regional origins of recent immigrants;

Interethnic marriages are generally accepted as both a major catalyst for and result of the intergenerational assimilation of immigrants. This paper examines one particular determinant of interethnic marriages, namely, education. Three possible avenues through which education affects the marriage choice are explored. First, education increases the probability that immigrants leave their ethnic enclaves, making it more difficult to meet possible spouses of the same ethnicity. Second, assortative matching on education implies that more educated individuals are willing to sacrifice ethnic traits in a spouse for intellectual attributes. Third, education makes immigrants better able to adapt to the customs of the native culture. A theoretical model of household formation is used to derive empirical tests for the relative merits of these three explanations. Using IPUMS data, I find that assortative matching on education is the most important avenue through which education affects the probability of intermarriage.

In this paper, we explore the effect of local labor market conditions on the labor supply decisions of older workers. We use three different sources of variation: shocks to the US steel industry, shocks to Appalachian coal mining, and shocks to US manufacturing. While each experiment uses different methodology, the three tell a remarkably consistent story: the retirement decisions of Americans over the last thirty-five years have been affected by the performance of local labor markets. First, using variation induced by the decline in the US steel industry, we find that a 10 percent reduction in earnings resulting from the decline of the primary metals industry resulted in a 1.5 percent increase in the participation and expenditures of the Old Age program. Second, using variation in coal prices induced by oil shocks, we find that a 10 percent increase in earnings from the coal industry reduced participation about 0.9 percent and decreases expenditures about 1.2 percent. Finally, looking at variation induced by the concentration of manufacturing employment, we use micro data to examine the age and education levels of those who retired.

Up to this point in the study of intergroup contact, the conventional definition of assimilation has focused primarily on behavioral aspects (acculturation). This research broadens this narrow conception to include more structural, institutional, and socioeconomic examples of racial/ethnic integration into mainstream American society by analyzing four categories of assimilation outcomes (socioeconomic, occupational and entrepreneurial, residential, and martial) between five different Asian American ethnic groups (Asian Indians, Chinese, Filipinos, and Koreans), with a particular focus on Vietnamese. As one of the most recent and most controversial arrivals onto the American racial/ethnic landscape, Vietnamese share many commonalities with more established Asian ethnic groups but also possess several distinctive characteristics that ultimately make their assimilation patterns quite unique. Across these diverse assimilation outcomes, the results generally show that the majority of Vietnamese Americans experience very little disadvantage or inequality when it comes to these achieving structural integration. At the same time, a small minority of Vietnamese still struggle and continue to suffer the legacies of their refugee experiences and comparative lack of human capital. For example, Vietnamese who are self-employed are still predominantly located in low-wage service sectors whereas other self-employed Asian Americans are moving into more professional-type sectors. Additionally, Vietnamese exhibit very high residential segregation rates in California (much higher than any other major Asian ethnic group), although this high degree of spatial isolation seems to have little negative impact on the overall residential quality of life for middle-class and affluent Vietnamese. Measures of marital assimilation (specifically rates of intermarriage with Whites) are where Vietnamese seem to show the most discrepancies between them and other Asian Americans and where they exhibit lower levels of structural assimilation most clearly. I hypothesize that Vietnamese have been able to overcome initial challenges on their way to achieving relatively high structural assimilation in a relatively short amount of time by utilizing collective cultural resources and by maintaining a strong sense of ethnic solidarity. These mechanisms have allowed Vietnamese to weave together a pattern of achievement and mobility combined with tradition and cohesion within the context of the ever-evolving American mainstream.

In 1964 an Urban League survey ranked Los Angeles as the most desirable city for African Americans to live in. In 1965 the city burst into flames during one of the worst race riots in the nation's history. How the city came to such a pass--embodying both the best and worst of what urban America offered black migrants from the South--is the story told for the first time in this history of modern black Los Angeles. A clear-eyed and compelling look at black struggles for equality in L.A.'s neighborhoods, schools, and workplaces from the Great Depression to our day, L.A. City Limits critically refocuses the ongoing debate about the origins of America's racial and urban crisis. Challenging previous analysts' near-exclusive focus on northern "rust-belt" cities devastated by de-industrialization, Josh Sides asserts that the cities to which black southerners migrated profoundly affected how they fared. He shows how L.A.'s diverse racial composition, dispersive geography, and dynamic postwar economy often created opportunities--and limits--quite different from those encountered by blacks in the urban North.

This paper makes two important contributions. First, it describes empirical origin dependent migration patterns observed in six national U.S. censuses. Second, it shows how observed regularities in secondary-to-primary ratios in these patterns may be used to indirectly estimate migration propensities from two consecutive counts of age-specific population stocks by place of residence and place of birth. Illustrations using such data for the 1980, 1990, and 2000 censuses show that the proposed method works satisfactorily.

Urban economies for the past twenty years have suffered considerable job erosion as import competition assails local and hinterland markets and export competition heightens. As a result, cities have been forced to specialize more than ever before. This paper hypothesizes that 1) cities have evolved considerable distinctiveness in economic functions in recent decades, 2) that urban hierarchy as a way of conceptualizing economic functions is breaking down in favor of specialization, 3) some second-tier (cities between 500,000 and 4.0 million in population size) are succeeding in the struggle to distinguish themselves while others are not, and 4) urban economic development policy can make a difference in these evolving patterns. The sizeable number of large cities in the U.S. makes it a great laboratory for study and experimentation. Using occupations as a window into this phenomenon for U.S. metros, I demonstrate the extent to which traditional urban hierarchies are breaking down and how specialization is becoming more salient. In some lines of work media workers, financiers, architects, arts directors hierarchy still appears to hold sway, but for others engineers, management analysts, performing artists, landscape architects non-hierarchical patterns are more prominent. I show the degree of occupational variation among metros of a similar size New York, Los Angeles and Chicago included. Using a set of artistic occupations visual artists, performing artists, writers and musicians, I show how varied their concentrations are across metros and how a dozen or so second tier American metros have distinguished themselves as artistic centers while others have not. The successful artistic cities are neither the largest nor the fastest growing. In the 1990s, the Los Angeles, New York and San Francisco metro regions appear to have reversed a thirty year pattern of artistic decentralization in the U.S. and increased their lead over other U.S. metros as artistic enclaves, though this may be also due to losses in other types of economic activities in their economies. The presence of certain industries is juxtaposed with concentrations of artists, but high levels of self-employment enable many artists to choose cities with amenities and a reasonable cost of living and to export their work to other regions. Differential migration rates show net flows from some cities to others and a fair degree of churning in some of the largest arts cities. I conclude that heightened distinctiveness among cities requires the cultivation of specializations and selective targeting. Using the arts as a case study, I suggest the ways in which cities have in the past, and can in the future, invest in artists, arts facilities and education in ways that will enhance artistic talent and its payoff.

This article analyzes why and how economic and community development planners might target occupations as well as industries in shaping an economic development strategy. Key occupations can be identified on the basis of capturability, high relative employment growth rates, connectivity across industries, fit with underemployed workforce groups, and potential for entrepreneurship. I demonstrate the potential for targeting occupations with quantitative and qualitative evidence on performing arts occupations for a set of medium-sized metropolitan areas and make the case for occupational location and development theories analogous to those for industry. I close by outlining steps planners can follow to incorporate occupational targeting into their work.

When census takers, pollsters or bureaucrats with application forms ask people to identify their race,most have no problem checking a box that corresponds to one of the five, standard, government-definedracial categories. In the 2000 Census, for example, 90 percent of the U.S. population was counted as eitherwhite, black, Asian, American Indian or Pacific Islander. Hispanics are the exception. While a little morethan half picked one of the standard categories, some 15 million, 42 percent of the Hispanic populationmarked some other race. Census 2000 and much other evidence suggests that Hispanics take distinctiveviews of race, and because their numbers are large and growing fast, these views are likely to change the waythe nation manages the fundamental social divide that has characterized American society for 400 years...

The educational experiences of the Hispanic population in the US are generally not positive. On measures of earning a high school diploma, dropout rates, performance on standardized tests, and enrolling in higher education, Hispanics do not fare well. In 1975 38.5 percent of Hispanics age 25 and older had earned a high schools diploma compared to 65.8 percent among Whites, but in 1998 the figures for both groups were 55.5% and 87.1%, respectively (Verdugo 2001). Attempts have been made to improve the educational experiences of Hispanics that address at least three areas: resources, educators' attitudes/expectations, and the school climate. But they appear to have little effect, if current data are accurate. The issues facing Hispanics and the educational system will become even more prominent in the future because the Hispanic population is growing at a tremendous rate. In fact, it was in the last decennial Census that Hispanics finally surpassed Blacks as the nation's largest minority group. What are some of these demographic trends and patterns and how will they affect the educational system? The purpose of this paper is to shed some light on both questions. In pursuing this goal, I have five objectives:Provide a brief introduction to the topic of demography.Provide a brief description of the size of the Hispanic population.Provide a description of the distribution of the Hispanic population.Provide a description of the structure of the Hispanics population. Provide a brief discussion bout the implications these demographic trends have for the US educational system.

Marriage market estimates by sex and single years of age are made for the US and England and Wales in 1990-1991, using explicit data on age preferences. Availability is strongly differentiated by age and sex, being inversely associated with female age and positively with male age. Decomposition shows that young women are advantaged largely by age preferences while older men are advantaged by population age-sex and marital status structure. Most men marry at ages when partners are in short supply; this finding is examined in detail. Some implications for gender power relations through the life course are considered.

This article explores the effect of womens movement into the labor market on the gender segregation of work, using the Current Population Survey from 1972 to 1993. The author includes as working those respondents who were keeping house and codes keeping house as an occupation. The results show higher estimates of gender segregation, and slightly steeper declines over time, than were seen in previous studies. Analysis of one-year longitudinal changes reveals less movement out of female-dominated occupations when keeping house is included as an occupation. Finally, a decomposition of the segregation trend shows that the movement of women away from keeping house contributed as much to the overall decline in gender segregation as did the desegregation of paid occupations. The author concludes that the movement of womens work from the household to the labor market has been a driving force in the changing nature of gender inequality.

Using data from the Integrated Public Use Microdata Series (IPUMS), the author compares the living arrangements of African American and immigrant children front 1880 through 2000. African American children were less likely than foreign born white children to live with two parents throughout this protracted period, with the gap widening sharply after 1960. African Americans and the small group of nonwhite immigrants exhibited roughly similar family patterns before 1960. That difference also increased during later decades as both foreign-born Asian and foreign-born black children were more likely than African Americans to reside with two parents. Immigrant children from virtually all nationalities were more likely than black children to live with two parents. Overtime, widowhood declined as a cause of paternal absence for all groups, and the influence of marital disruption increased. Nonmarital motherhood increased markedly as a cause of mother only families for blacks after 1960.

Background: Despite the higher rate of colorectal cancer (CRC) among Japanese Americans, little is known about their risk perceptions. The objective of this study was to test an exploratory model explaining psychosocial pathways to perceived risk of CRC. Methods: The postulated model was tested using path analysis with data from a random sample of 306 Japanese Americans aged 30 and older. Results: The model fit the data very well: chi(2)(10) = 10.22, P = .42; goodness-of-fit index = .993; comparative fit index = .999; and root mean square are of approximation = .008. Cancer fear exerted the strongest effect on perceived risk followed by family history. Conclusion: Risk communication for Japanese Americans should be tailored to individual emotional patterns associated with cancer to alleviate fear that may impede accurate risk self-assessment.