This paper examines the effect of space and race/ethnicity on labour force participation outcomes among minority and immigrant youth in the Los Angeles metropolitan areas. This research contributes to the spatial mismatch literature by analysing the differences between firstand second-generation immigrants in addition to exploring the role of race and job accessibility on the likelihood of working. It does so by comparing the employment status of comparable youth (1621 years of age) who reside in central cities, inner-ring suburbs and outer-ring suburbs using 2000 Census PUMS data. Finally, the decision to attend school and to work is modelled in a bivariate probit framework to discover how the correlation across decisions may change the estimated impact of race and space on employment. The results of this study suggest that both space and race play a role in the probability that a youth will work, but that the decision to attend school does not influence the estimated impact of space and race on employment.

This paper has undertaken the task of beginning to balance our knowledge and understanding of immigration flows to US urban areas by shifting the focus to mid-size MSAs, rather than the very largest MSAs and/or major ports of entry. This shift reflects what has been occurring since the late 1980s whereby immigration effects on the population composition of US urban areas is creeping inland and down the urban hierarchy. The first task largely describes and classifies MSAs in terms of their mix of the foreign born, yielding four distinct MSA profiles. The second task addresses underlying processes, giving particular attention to the role of resettlement programs and agencies, a topic given virtually no attention previously. Resettlement programs and agencies are particularly important because of their tendency to alter the geographic patterning of the foreign-born, as seen here in terms of MSAs. That occurrence is particularly likely among immigrants who have virtually no representation within the US, such as refugees arriving since the 1960s, and less so for groups that are already represented such as refugees from WWII. Hence, the redistributive tendencies of refugee resettlement are particularly important in the last quarter of the 20th Century.

While migration decision-making has long been studied using mover-stayer models and standard regression models, they do not well handle small- and large-scale heterogeneities (migration propensities). The hierarchical regression model can help slove this problem, because it deals with data organized hierarchically and studies variation at different levels of the hierarchy simultaneously. Using Wisconsin's 5% Public Use Microdata Sample (PUMS) file from Census 2000 for a two-level hierarchy - individual/household level and Public Use Microdata Area (PUMA) level, we take a fresh look at how a hierarchical logit model can improve migration studies by including demographic, socio-economic, and biogeophysical factors. The findings indicate that the hierarchical regression approach provides significant advantages in studying migration decision-making.

Using panel data from US states over the period 1963-2002, I measure the impact of partisanship on a wide range of different policy settings and economic outcomes. Across 32 measures, there are surprisingly few differences in policy settings, social outcomes and economic outcomes under Democrats and Republicans. In terms of policies, Democratic Governors tend to prefer slightly higher minimum wages and more redistributive taxes. Under Republican Governors, incarceration rates are higher, while welfare caseloads are higher under Democratic Governors. In terms of social and economic outcomes, Democratic Governors tend to preside over higher median post-tax income, lower post-tax inequality, and lower unemployment rates. However, for 25 of the 32 dependent variables, gubernatorial partisanship does not have a statistically significant impact on policy outcomes and social welfare. I find no evidence of gubernatorial partisan differences in welfare generosity, the number of government employees or their salaries, state revenue, incarceration rates, execution rates, pre-tax incomes and inequality, crime rates, suicide rates, and test scores. These results are robust to the use of regression discontinuity estimation, to take account of the possibility of reverse causality. Overall, it seems that Governors behave in a fairly non-ideological manner.

These consolidated plans were done for the following areas: Galveston, TX; Baytown, TX; Sugar Land, TX; Brazoria County, TX; League City, TX; and Pasadena, TX

Reviewing a large set of papers that analyzed the effect of immigration on the wages of native-born workers in the U.S., the National Academy of Science Panel on Immigration (1997) concluded there is only a small adverse impact of immigration on the wage and employment opportunities of competing native groups. Borjas (2003) suggests that since migration within the U.S. arbitrages local wage differentials, the effects estimated in many previous studies are understated. He uses variation across skill groups over time in the national labor market and finds large negative impacts of immigration on the wages of native-born workers. We find that Borjas results are driven largely by the earnings of one skill group during a 20 year period high school dropouts between 1980 and 2000. Any factor correlated with decreasing earnings of high school dropouts during these years including de-industrialization, skill-biased technological change, or increasing negative selectivity of dropouts, equally explains his results. Indeed, trends shows that the wages of high school dropouts were falling considerably preceding the rise in the fraction of the low-skilled workforce that were immigrants. Because many factors affected wages of the low-skilled in the U.S. over this time period we explore one country where immigrant shocks were among higher skilled groups. Canada stands as an ideal comparison to separate the effects of immigration on wages from other reasons related to the decline in wages of low-skilled workers as immigration to Canada was considerably more skilled than immigration to the U.S. The Canadian experience suggests that the measured effect of immigration on the wages of the native-born Canadians is negative, extremely small and statistically indistinguishable from zero.

The Job Access and Reverse Commute (JARC) program of the Federal Transit Administration (FTA) provides funding to improve the access to and from jobs for welfare recipients and low-income individuals. The objective of this paper is to develop a comprehensive profile of JARC service riders on several economic, social, perceptual and travel-related indicators based on a dataset that was collected by the authors from riders of fixed-route and demand-responsive services in 23 locations across the country. The economic indicators considered include incomes of riders, full and part-time work status, employment tenure, reported changes in employment status (transitioning from unemployment to employment) and changes in wages incurred after using the service. Social indicators include vehicle ownership, drivers license, educational attainment and the like. Where we are able to, we contrast JARC service riders with a national sample of automobile and transit users; the data for these measures were obtained from the decennial Census. We also discuss two measures of perceived service dependency, indicating the importance of the service to the riders. In addition, we develop a profile of travel-related changes incurred by riders as a result of service use, including changes in mode of travel and travel times. Many of these indicators are differentiated on the basis of type of area and type of service. This analysis brings a user perspective into the discussion regarding employment transportation services and highlights the diversity of impacts that job access transportation is having on the work and non-work activities of low-income riders.

Discovering patterns from data is an important task in data mining. There exist techniques to find large collections of many kinds of patterns from data very efficiently. A collection of patterns can be regarded as a summary of the data. A major difficulty with patterns is that pattern collections summarizing the data well are often very large. In this dissertation we describe methods for summarizing pattern collections in order to make them also more understandable. More specifically, we focus on the following themes: 1) Quality value simplifications. 2) Pattern orderings. 3) Pattern chains and antichains. 4) Change profiles. 5) Inverse pattern discovery.

A profile of the educational attainment, occupational success, and household structure of Turkish women in the U.S. across time is provided in an effort to increase the visibility of immigrant women in the U.S. Results indicate that since the end of World War I, over 40% of immigrants from Trkiye during each Census year have been women. These women have become more educated over time and transitioned from blue-collar to white-collar occupations. They have consistently been married, lived with husbands who are the heads of households, and resided with less than five family members in the home. A comparative analysis of these findings with contemporary Turkish women in Trkiye provides preliminary evidence of a brain drain of Turkish women to the U.S. and supports a partial continuity of traditional Turkish household structure for Turkish immigrant women.

The Job Access and Reverse Commute (JARC) program of the FTA provides funding to improve the access to and from jobs for welfare recipients and low-income individuals. The objective of the study was to develop a comprehensive profile of JARC service riders on several economic, social, perceptual, and travel-related indicators on the basis of a data set that was collected by the authors from riders of fixed-route and demand-responsive services in 23 locations across the country that were funded by this program. The economic indicators considered include incomes of riders, full-and part-time work status, employment tenure, reported changes in employment status (transitioning from unemployment to employment), and changes in wages incurred after using the service. Social indicators include vehicle ownership, driver's license, and educational attainment Where possible, JARC service riders were compared with a national sample of automobile and transit users; the data for these measures were obtained from the decennial census. Two measures of perceived service dependency that indicate the importance of the service to the riders are discussed. In addition, a profile of travel-related changes incurred by riders as a result of service use is developed, including changes in mode of travel and travel times. Many of these indicators are differentiated on the basis of type of area and type of service. This analysis brings a user perspective into the discussion about low-income employment transportation services and highlights the diversity of impacts that job access transportation is having on the work and nonwork activities of low-income riders.

Many advanced economies have an aging population that relies heavily on government pensions, social security, and privately held investment-based income. In the United States the geography of social security and investment income (collectively called non-earnings income) is uneven. Furthermore, the ways in which migration serves to redistribute such income across space remain unstudied. This paper highlights regions in the United States that are becoming increasingly attractive to non-earnings income through migration. Overall, there is a consistent Rustbelt-to-Sunbelt shift in non-earnings income due to migration. These income shifts, however, are quite distinct between metropolitan and non-metropolitan areas. Starting in the late 1980s, non-metropolitan portions of the Rustbelt enjoyed net gains in non-earnings income through migration processes. Therefore, it appears that the migration systems which drew income away from the non-metropolitan north during the 1970s are now shifting to some degree. Analysis further indicates that migration contributes to greater levels of economic disparity across space. Whereas flows of social security income are highly influenced by the aggregate level of migration, flows of investment income are more influenced by differentials in migrants' per capita income levels. Regions such as the Plains are attracting migrants with relatively low per capita non-earnings income whereas the Rocky Mountain and New England regions are attracting individuals with high per capita income. Destinations such as the Rocky Mountains and New England are likely to enjoy significant economic benefits as new sources of income arrive which are tied to migration, but the Plains region is left with less-well-off populations, which pose significant social and economic problems in such sending regions. As the population in the United States and other advanced economies ages, these processes of non-earnings income migration become increasingly important in shaping local and regional economic conditions.

We will in particular emphasize that Europe has invested massively in the past decades in secondary education and along some dimensions, prevented a too large increase in wage and income inequality. Since the 1960s, the average number of years of education of the working age population has risen by 3.5 years, and half of the gap with the US has been filled. Recent cohorts of young graduates in Europe are more mobile than low skilled workers, and the over-education problem, meaning young graduate delaying ever and ever the entrance in the labour market, probably need to be more cautiously analysed: it appears that over-education is often the wrong name given to something else we believe to be one of Europes main problem: skill mismatch and inadequacy of education and training to provide the right skills. On the negative side, we indeed see several manifestations of an inadequacy between demand and supply of skills and workers. Europe has very low geographical mobility of labour even for the most educated ones, especially compared to the US; there is a very large share of European workers reporting they dont have the right skills for the job; more generally, labour market institutions promote longevity of jobs and thus favour specific skills, while at the same time demand for labour is increasingly volatile and would require general skills instead; finally, Europe faces difficulties to attract the most skilled and talented workers, with potentially large adverse consequences on long-run growth. As argued above, more investments in education are required, but they must come with well-thought provisions of incentives: first, incentives to do well must be imposed on the supplier of skills (secondary schools and tertiary establishments); and second, incentives to follow the right curriculum must be brought to the consumers of education (students and trainees). It is only if these conditions are fulfilled that Europe can simultaneously reach the dual objective of promoting equality and generating growth. Investing in secondary education is probably a good way to promote equality. Instilling a greater element of incentives is necessary if Europe wants to garnish universities with the same worldwide prestige and attractiveness as Harvard, Princeton or MIT and ultimately develop a knowledge-based economy.

The number of first- and second-generation youth in the nations schools has tripled since 1970. Californias diverse immigrant youth population has grown even more rapidly than that of the nation as a whole: nearly half of Californias school-age population had at least one foreign-born parent in 2000, more than double the national average. This paper uses 2000 Integrated Public Use Microdata Sample data for California and an augmented child-parent linking algorithm to determine generation status for children ages 16 to 18. Logistic regression quantifies the role of immigrant generation (i.e., first (further distinguished by age at arrival), second, and third+) on a youths school enrollment propensity while controlling for other individual, family and neighborhood determinants of participation. I exploit the large sample sizes in the census to examine how the impact of generation status differs by national origin, and whether school participation among at-risk immigrant groups catches up with natives across generations. Finally, I assess to what extent observable characteristics explain differential school participation behavior. While first-generation Hispanic youth (particularly Mexicans who arrived after age 6) and indeterminate-generation natives are least likely to be enrolled in U.S. schools, preliminary results suggest that much of the observed differential is due to differences in family structure.

Despite that the latest 30 years has been a period of increasing female labour force participation in the U.S. and elsewhere, there still remains substantial variation in hours worked and female labour force participation across countries. Female labour force participation in the OECD countries ranged from 46.3 in Italy to 76.5 in Norway in 2000, where the U.S. qualify among the countries with a higher participation rate at 70.7 (see Table 1 and OECD Employment Outlook). This variation may originate from differences in preferences towards work, but may also be the result of economic factors, such as the functioning of the labour market, income inequality and the incentives these elements provide. In economic terms, we may separate the two causes as either being related to preferences or to the budget restriction.In this paper, I aim to explore possible explanations to the observed cross-country differences in hours worked and participation. I study labour supply (in terms of hours worked and participation rates) of immigrant women in the United States, and relate their labour supply to the aggregate labour supply in their country of origin. By studying immigrant women working in the same labour market, I can disentangle whether the budget restriction hypothesis or the preference hypothesis is the most plausible. Women all operating on the same labour market but with different cultural backgrounds should not diverge in their labour supply decisions if the market is the major determinant for female labour supply decisions. If, on the other hand, immigrant women do diverge while confronted with the same labour market, and diverge in a way consistent with the labour supply of women in their countries of origin, it supports the preference hypothesis. To get a preview of the findings; I can not rule out that source country labour supply affects the labour market attachment of immigrant women in the U.S. However, the range of estimates is wide and suggests that the effect mainly is driven by differences in childbearing and educational patterns across immigrant groups. The remainder of this paper unfolds as follows: Section II discusses related literature, Section III describes the data, Section IV presents the empirical findings and Section V summarizes the conclusions.

This article examines how residence in racially segregated neighborhoods affected the job prospects of African American men in the late 1910s. The analysis focuses on one northern city - Cincinnati, Ohio. The evidence comes from a new longitudinal dataset containing information on individuals linked from the 1920 census to World War I selective service registration records. The results indicate that black male residents of Cincinnati's west end ghetto held occupations similar to those of black men in other Cincinnati neighborhoods and experienced similar rates of upward occupational mobility. Surprisingly, black men in the west end experienced lower rates of downward occupational mobility than did black men in other parts of the city.